51 posts from Monday, September 7, 2026

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Heart beats fast, colors and promises How to be brave, how can I love when I'm afraid to fall But watching you stand alone All of my doubt suddenly goes away somehow One step closer I had died every day waiting for you Darling, don't be afraid I loved you for a thousand years I love you for a thousand more Time stands still Beauty and all she feels I will be brave, I will not let anything take away Standing in front of me Every breath, every hour has come to this One step closer I have died every day waiting for you Darling, don't be afraid I have loved you for a thousand years I love you for a thousand more All alone I believed I will find you Time has brought my heart to me I loved you for a thousand years I love you for a thousand more I love you for a thousand more I love you for a thousand more One step closer

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Hello America, I'm Mark Levin, and this is Life, Liberty, and Levin Labor Day Weekend. Wow. Well, thank you for being here. I know there's a lot more you could be doing, but this is a treat. It's a special edition an entire hour. I call him America's Wise Man, Victor Davis Hanson, and he will prove it. He writes and speaks in compelling ways, intriguing ways, substantive ways. Victor, it's a great honor to have you with us. And this book, The Counter Revolution, really about Donald Trump and MAGA and our culture and our society, and our opposition, which in many ways is our enemy now, is so fantastic. It jumps off the pages. And in addition to that, this is going to be really a reference book in many ways. It doesn't read like a reference book because your detail is exquisite. But first, I want to ask you a personal question. You're a personal friend of mine. You were ill for a significant period of time. You were in the hospital for a significant period of time. I don't know if people know, but you came within an eyelash of passing away, which is hard to even say. It's very upsetting. And yet you had time to do a project like this. Can you explain how you were able to do this? Well, about March of last year I knew something was wrong with me. I couldn't breathe very well and I was coughing and hoarse and I had a sinus operation and that didn't help. And finally, I didn't think I was going to be around much longer. So I wanted to write a book about this counter revolution that I thought Donald Trump was waging and people had misunderstood. And then when I was diagnosed with cancer, I had almost finished it. But then I thought after I had an arterial bleed and I lost three liters of blood with the removal of the lobe and the cancer, I didn't think I could finish it. But I got better and then I was able to resume it this spring and finish the book. But I was really determined because I thought that people didn't really appreciate what's going on right now. And I wanted to have, I thought it might be my last book. So I wanted to explain that Donald Trump is not addressing the symptoms of the progressive project of the last 50 years as he did in the first administration. But now he's looking at the causation, what makes them so powerful when they don't even have the White House or the Senate or the House or the Supreme Court. And I looked at their institutional power, their infiltration of the bureaucracy, the foundations, the media, academia, K through 12. So that was an impetus for me to keep writing. And the other thing is, Mark, I'll be candid. I had lived through it as you did, all the things they did, not just to disqualify Donald Trump, try to remove him in the first administration, but disqualify him from even running. But I had forgotten a lot of the details. So I wanted to go back and leave a record of what they actually did. And I think that would remind people that we have never had a president that they tried to impeach twice. They tried him as a private citizen. They tried to take him off the ballot. They raided his home at Mar-a-Lago. They had four criminal's lawfare suits, one civil suits. They coordinated it in the White House. They had the Steele dossier cycle drama that almost ruined the transition, the first administration. They lied about the laptop on the eve of the election to swing a debate in favor of Joe Biden when he denied the laptop was his own sons and attacked Trump for even suggesting that. And then I go through the whole thing and what they did, and it's a pretty amazing story. But somehow he survived. And I think it puts in context what they're trying to, when they get angry that Donald Trump is doing this and that, it's mostly projection. I mean, they know well how to destroy somebody. So then they impute to Trump what they actually did to him. You talk about how they tried to destroy him. Can you think of another politician? No, another human being who could have withstood what they did and stand strong and look into the cameras, declare his innocence, demand, demand his innocence and take them on the way he did. I can't. I can't, especially somebody in his late sixties and early seventies. It's just amazing. He had, I don't think that was one of the things I don't think they reckoned on. He was a Nietzschean figure that anything that didn't destroy him, Mark made him stronger. And the more that they attacked him and the more they tried to destroy him physically, financially, psychologically, materially, and his family and circle of friends, the more unpopular they became. And the more that he fought back, I think they really did believe, especially after January 6, he was going to recede into the shadows and they were going to write him off as a familiar, you know, a Fillmore or somebody like James Buchanan. And that didn't happen. And one of the reasons it didn't happen is what you say. He had an overwhelming desire to change the United States or rather to restore a lot of its institutions and values to a point before this progressive onslaught. He was a real counter revolutionary. And I don't mean by that, that the left or revolutionaries that wanted to overthrow the government, but they did in the sixties, but especially during the Obama and Biden administration, they did really want to fundamentally alter the value system of the United States and the way it operates. And in every conceivable manner, whether it was packing the court or destroying the electoral college or what we see now with the democratic socialist agenda, they really did want to fundamentally change the system because they couldn't win under the present circumstances given the unpopularity of their agenda. And Trump knew that. And so he came out of the shadows again. He was down 15 points in the primary polls right after January 6. Ron DeSantis was 15, 16 points ahead. And everybody was writing him off. Even his friends were writing him off, many in cases. And he, I don't know how he did it. He was an indomitable spirit. He just said, I'm not going to give up and I'm going to make it a referendum on my accusers, not on me. And he did. You have here in this chapter called the new Jacobin Democrats. And I want you to explain briefly what that means for the American people. But you're right. This Trump and MAGA did not operate in a vacuum the decade between 2015 and his reelection in 2024. His formal opposition was no longer the liberal Democrats of all, but rather a new, far more radical manifestation in their mission to fundamentally change the nation. They were more suited to 18th century revolutionary France than 21st century America, which explains the title counter revolution. Donald Trump is the counter revolution to this radical anti-American revolution that has a home in the Democrat party. Explain. Yes. Well, they were not just a political, they weren't a Bill Clinton political movement. They were a Jacobin French revolutionary holistic movement. The Jacobins in France wanted to go back and change the calendar to year zero. They changed the names of the days of the week. They changed the days, the names of the months. They attack organized religion. They killed none. I mean they were Antifa on steroids. And what the Democratic parties tried to do is they even changed our foundational date to 1619. They destroyed our border. We had 55 million people now who were not born in the United States and we'd record 16%. They turned a once noble PBS and NPR into organs or megaphones of the left, even though they were publicly subsidized. When I went to the university or you did Mark, we knew they were liberal, but they were liberal and disinterested. But now that 95% of the faculty are hard left and they don't see education as Socratic, they see it as a way to grab five or six years of the youth of America and have them graduate or at least leave the campus as soldiers in the army of progressivism. So it was an attempt almost every way we think. It was to get rid of meritocracy and start to judge people on the, not on the content of their character, but the color of their skin. And one person really had his finger in the dike and that was Donald Trump. I don't think that a McCain candidate or Romney candidate would have been able to withstand the vituperation that was directed at him. And I mean that in the literal sense. I mean, we've never had in the history of his country, Mark, the secret service, having to shoot at four potential assassins. And they did that in Pennsylvania. They did it twice in Florida and they did it in Washington DC. So it wasn't just, you know, a theoretical attempt to destroy him. People tried to literally kill him and they did when, when they failed, they were often lamented that they failed by hard left members of the opposition. So it's, I don't know. I know people get upset about his vituperation or his tweets or his trolling, but that's a defense mechanism to kind of shake up the left because it's a human response because he knows that there's nobody in the Republican party that can take on this revolution except him. And I think it's wearing on him too. He doesn't show it, but he has to be human and he's done this for a decade. And he's had the never Trumpers. He's had now the democratic socialist. He's had the transformation of the democratic party. One thing I think that I put in the book very quickly, he not only changed the Republican party to a working class party of middle-class people and substituted class interest that we're all in middle class and your race is irrelevant. It's not essential to who you are. You're a middle class. That's the, that's the backbone of America. That was his message, but he transformed the democratic party. He made them so angry and they dropped all pretense, all of the veneer that they were sober and judicious. And they showed that they really were hard left revolutionaries. And that, that can be defined a lot of ways. It can be Chuck Schumer going before the Supreme Court and saying, Gorsuch, Kavanaugh, you sowed the wind, you weep the whirlwind. You don't know what's going to hit you or Maxine Waters. This idea that the socialists came along and absorbed the democratic party or tried to hijack. They got their prompt from the democratic party. They looked at the democratic party and said, we like what they're doing. They want to destroy the electoral college, pack the court, bring in new States, get rid of the filibuster. They've even talked in their journal articles and things about getting rid of this. We like this group. So the democratic party offered the socialists a model and they welcomed them in. And this idea they're separate, it's not true at all. And Donald Trump knew that. So he was a, he's a very combative figure. He's a very controversial figure, but if you can think of anybody on the conservative side that would have tried to, in four years of this administration, take on the whole concept, the whole idea of a left wing transformation or what, you know, Michelle and Barack said, we want to fundamentally transform the country. And they almost did. And there was one person who stopped them so far. Those are fantastic points. And you're right how dangerous the left has become. The democrat party has become, they're not what they used to be. It's not about white paper, policy differences, anymore. You're right also, when you talk about the democrat party and the democratic socialists of America, I think that's why the democrats keep saying we're a big tent. They're just more outspoken about what they want to do to the country than most of these long time establishment democrats. Now, but you also explore in the book, which is also fascinating, where does this, this idea in Donald Trump come from to take on these, these radical movements in our culture, in our politics and so forth and so on. His background would not indicate that this is something he's interested in, that this is something he's focused on, or this is something he really wants to tackle to the ground. You have a chapter here, among other things, and you're talking about all these things he's taken on. He's basically undoing everything the left has tried to do, everything Biden has tried to do. Where does that come from? Well, he had precedents and he adopted some elements of Pat Buchanan, but he got rid of, I'll be frank, there were anti-Semitic elements in the Buchanan movement. There was racialist movements, but he did like the idea that to protect American workers and to be careful about the use of American, it was going to be a Jacksonian rather than a neoconservative nation-building policy. He got a lot of ideas from Rand Paul. He got some ideas, I think a lot of them, as you pointed out, from the Tea Party. But when he looked at the Tea Party, he said they had great ideas, but they didn't really, they were not able to transform those conservative changes or revolutions into actual policy. And why was that? And that was because they never developed a strong leader. There was never anybody we say this was the Tea Party leader that formulated policy and organized and united the Tea Party movement. The other thing about him, he was very canny. He talked about running for years for president, but he did two really key things that I point out in the book. He did not start a third party. He threatened it once in a while. They didn't treat him well, but he looked at the history of third parties and he said they're just protest movements. They never result in actual change. Even Teddy Roosevelt couldn't do it. So he didn't want to be a third party. And then he said, "I do not want to wreck a Republican incumbent, and I'll probably have a hard time beating a Democratic incumbent." So he picked 2016 when there was no Republican incumbent. He wasn't challenging like Buchanan did, George H.W. Bush, etc. And he knew that there wouldn't be a popular person like Obama or Clinton as incumbent running against him. It was a wide open 2016 election. And that was the choice time he thought that he could run and incorporate these previous Tea Party Buchanan movements and change them and moderate, modulate them in a way that would be viable. And he did it, I think he did it pretty much on his own. The book is Counter-Revolution. This is the book. I strongly encourage you to get it. You're going to be fascinated by this book. You can get it on amazon.com, any major bookstore starting on Tuesday. You know how great Victor is as a writer and a thinker and a speaker. This book really is an unbelievable compilation. It says basically the last four or five years, I would say even beyond that. And I think it is a very honest take. And it is a very pro-Trump book, not because you, Victor, are pro-Trump, which I'm sure you are. And I know it's because he's laying out the facts. He's laying out the facts. And you describe the president beautifully as a candidate, as a target, his second term, and so forth and so on. One of the things I was thinking when I was reading your book is this. This is not pure populism. In other words, the president is a constitutionalist too. And we notice that when the courts rule, he honors it. He appeals them and so forth. But he wants to protect the power of the president. He wants to protect the independence of the Supreme Court, which is why he attacks the Democrats. And he does respect the role of Congress. But there's this. You know, there's a give and take and so forth. So I was reminded, I'd be interested in your comment on this. Reagan had a tremendous appeal to the middle class. He won massive landslides, two of them, like a popular vote. He also had big support from the unions, the Teamster unions, and so forth and so on. Do you see when we come back some overlay, at least in that respect, between Reagan and Trump, who I consider two of our greatest presidents, as a matter of fact, and also the the revulsion at things like transitioning little kids and that sort of thing, the attacks on the culture. I'd be curious to know your thoughts on that. Again, folks, I encourage you to go to amazon.com, get your copy, counter revolution. You know, I picked it up and I said, all right, here we go. And I said, wow. And there are things you didn't remember. There's things you didn't learn. Victor, in his own special way, is explaining the context for the what president's thinking and actions and those of his enemies. I strongly encourage you to grab a copy of this book. We'll be right back. Welcome back to America. You know, Victor Davis Hanson, the two greatest Republican presidents in modern history, Trump and Reagan, the two greatest vote getters of Republicans, Trump and Reagan. Do you see some overlap between these two men? Yeah, I do. Reagan is known, you know, as the president that broke the Soviet Union. And he said, our strategy is simple. We win, they lose. And everybody was aghast at that. And but he was also a cultural revolution. I mean, he had the Department of Education and they were trying to stop the attack at that time in the 80s on Western civilization. Everybody thought, you know, the military is sort of in a Vietnam complex. They did pretty well in the Korean War, but after Vietnam, we're not preeminent. So his idea was we're going to be preeminent, the Reagan administration, in almost every aspect of American power. Military, we're going to be influential abroad. We're going to stand down the Soviets. We're going to be we're going to be aware of that China is coming out of its communist bad decades. And we'll have to deal with that. But at home as well, he said, we've got to restore confidence in the American project and Western civilization. So he took on the university, not in the same way Reagan did, but rhetorically. And he took on cultural habits. And that was that was new. Trump was a beneficiary of a lot of what Reagan did. You know, we had people in the Reagan Bush era, Bill Bennett and the Department of Education doing a lot of good things. And you can see the same that carry over today. We've got conservative publishers that are bringing out textbooks that are far different than the Howard Zinn, you know, people's history. It's a multifaceted era. And that's we don't really associate that that idea with a Romney campaign of 2012 or the McCain of 2008 or even the George Bush administrations or the George H. W. Bush. With Reagan, though, you had this sense that he said we've got to stop what's been going on and we've got to holistically deal with what's the problem. And he tried to do that. And it was it was more difficult, I think, at that time, because we were in the Cold War than it is now. In some ways, some ways it's more difficult because we've had a progression with the Obama and Biden. But they were very similar in their ambitions to really do have a sort of counter revolution. I think Trump has been more successful only because there was Reagan was a Reagan was a I don't know how to say it, but he was a product of a give and take Hollywood. He was affable. Everybody loved Reagan. Trump's idea was I've got to take measures that are so unpopular at this eleventh hour that I'm going to be brazen. I'm going to cut to the quick. And I don't care if people don't like me and that Reagan was sort of a soft touch. I don't mean that. I mean that as a compliment. He could win over people and be affable. The irony is that Trump among his associates and his friends and his phone calls is one of the most considerate, compassionate people around. He'll call people up and offer the give them money or he'll he'll say, I'm worried about you or things like that. And no, that doesn't get out of the media. The media hated Reagan, but it hated Trump at a magnitude greater. It really did. So yes, they're very similar. But Trump felt that the hour was much later, even though we weren't in the Cold War. But he owed a lot to Reagan. And he's right. The hour is late. And I often worry you write about it in the book here. I often worry what comes afterwards, and there may be individuals who are Trumpian in a sense, but we're never going to have another Donald Trump. We'll be right back.

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welcome back America this is a man who is like super patriotic for this country and so forth and so on and understands the American people better than most people do what do you make of that I agree with you and when he does these things that are controversial but needed you it begs the question why didn't other presidents both Democrat Republican do things and what do I mean by that he why didn't somebody addressed the deterioration of monuments in Washington or the world's capital so to speak was not safe to walk in or the reflecting pool was a miasma or presidents had you know torn parts of the White House to put a bowling alley or basketball court or a swimming pool but they all said there's nowhere to there's nowhere to speak there's nowhere to hold a world class meeting and world-class banquet any of that lectures and he comes along and he does it but he doesn't do it I mean he doesn't do it in the sense that I'm going to be the first person to ever do it he does it because he says why hasn't this been done because we need it and so I think that's what's unusual about him he's always bragging about the US military he calls soldiers up he goes to the funerals he he wants the United States and this is what drives the left crazy because their idea was managed decline a globalist idea were just one of many or to paraphrase Barack Obama were no more exceptional in Greece or Great Britain is but he resented that idea he said we were always exceptional we have the only type of Constitution in the world where the freest people were the most powerful country how did that come across China has one China has four times the population that we do the EU has a hundred more p hundred million more people than we do and yet we have 10 trillion more of a GDP how's that possible so what his whole idea was we're going to be the first in space and they were and people said oh you know NASA is done with they haven't done anything in years he said no no no no we're going to get private enterprise and empower them and then the NASA will have to rise to the challenge and he really almost single-handedly reinvigorated the space race Elon Musk himself launched more missile satellites than the whole world combined last year and when you look at what he did with Silicon Valley he went to all these people who were left you know that the Andreessen's that sacks and all of these people the Elon Musk they all voted against him and he said to them we're in bad trouble we've got to rearm the United States we're short weapon we got to get into the drone racing race we've got to get satellite technology and use it to protect our country we need an iron dome sort of global dome over the United States and just like the war production board of World War Two Trump said I'm appealing to your patriotism not your politics if you will if I can enlist your talent I will protect you from EU censorship from Canadian digital media taxes with you neighbor I'm on your side as long as you're on our side and I define that as America side and it's really amazing when you look at these left-wing companies that opposed him I mean they were censoring news accounts of the the laptop fiasco and almost and they contributed to his defeat Mark Zuckerberg gave over 450 million dollars in 2020 through various surrogates to change helped to change balloting and yet he went back to these people and said you're very talented I'm going to allow you I'm not going to pick winners and losers like Biden wanted to do I'm going to open up I'm going to deregulate I'm going to give you energy I'm going to promote data centers for good or evil but you have to do one thing you have to use those energies and talents for the promotion of the common good and the preeminence of the United States that was very we hadn't seen that in decades somebody take that that type of argument to the opposition and the results are they're undeniable all of a sudden the United States is the greatest producer of oil and gas in history its satellites are preeminent I just looked at the software digital media bioengineering AI companies in terms of market capitalization and things like downloads of the top 10 companies globally in each of those categories the United States has eight or nine corporations in the top ten almost dominates every this is a period when they said you know mark they were saying and just a decade ago that China would have a greater GDP by now than we did and we're ten trillion dollars greater so it's amazing the book is and it is a great book the counter-revolution the fall and rise of Donald Trump and the MAGA movement I encourage you to get it amazon.com come Tuesday when it's released any major bookstore look how he's leading in what I call the next Industrial Revolution data centers you have dime store politicians who are looking at polls for objecting to it and so forth and so on it's local governments that make a determination where they are and how these buildings look and so forth but the president knows this is the next Industrial Revolution every single thing we use is related to AI I just think that's another example of his of his foresight we'll be right back welcome back America we're here with America's wise man that's what I call him because that's what he is the counter-revolution is his brand new book and comes out Tuesday I would pre-order on amazon.com that's the way I roll the fall and rise of Donald Trump and the MAGA movement there is so much in here that is so compelling because the man himself is compelling and the author is compelling Victor Davis Hanson well let's get a little bit into national security and foreign policy let's dig right in to Iran and what the president's been doing in Iran we have people who said he campaigned against this kind of thing and we we call a lot of those isolationists and so forth and so on but did he not also say peace through strength again that is sort of a Reagan phrase peace through strength and hasn't he also demonstrated as you demonstrate in your book a hesitance to use military power but if he feels it's necessary he will use military power explain yeah he never ran as an isolationist he never ran as a nation builder he ran as a Jacksonian his idea was don't tread on the United States where you'll have no better friend but you'll have no worse enemy if you do that and to carry out that policy we had to be have a preeminent military so he really in the first term tried to rebuild it but when he looked at Iran there were two kind of contrast or antithetical positions he had to guide he had to navigate between them one was given the misadventures in Afghanistan and Iraq we don't do well when we put thousands of troops on the ground we if we don't win very quickly and winnings very hard in those societies because you have to change the government and they have no experience with consensual rule and then on the other hand he said well seven prior prior presidents have said this is intolerable that this huge country that was once so pro-western and so powerful under the Shaw and earlier rulers now is using that 93 million population and all of its traditions and its resources with oil fourth largest reserve or third in the world for nefarious purposes and most of the problems in the Middle East come from Iran they bully the Arab Gulf exporters they have a ring of fire of terrorist appendages around Israel they subsidize terrorism all over Europe and the Western world but nobody has done anything so I'm gonna do something with one caveat I am NOT going to invade this country and try to overthrow the government and rack up a decade and casually then he hasn't done that I think people don't realize that he knew something had to be done because every year they were getting closer and closer to nuclear weapons and once they got them with that lunatic attitude whether genuine or contrived they had deterrence and with deterrence they could do almost anything and they would dominate the entire Middle East and prior administrations like the Obama administration said well maybe we can balance Iran and the Shia crescent Syria Lebanon's taken over there's Iran the Houthis Hamas and then we'll kind of play them against Israel in the Gulf States and we'll adjudicate that was a crazy idea but that was kind of US policy under Biden but especially under Obama so he said no no it's intolerable time has run out but I've got to find a way to squeeze them and disarm them without invading them and without trying to nation-build and he thought that the popular popular revolt might happen right after the Berlin Wall it took two years with Soviet Union to fall but it did fall it took many months for Eastern European governments so I think it's kind of a Civil War Union anaconda strategy now we're squeezing them economically financially they can't import goods they can't export oil the people are getting restive and I think his big worry right now is at what point will things get so terrible in Iran I think we're getting there how do you ensure that the people are not hurt by this awful regime that doesn't care about their own people and that's a concern I think he has and that that explains why some of us were surprised that we thought maybe at 38 days he should not have stopped or 40 days or 45 but I think he was thinking that if I destroy the entire infrastructure that regime it'll take a year or two for the people to rise up and you'll get mass starvation or something disease or so much chaos it'll be counterproductive so it's kind of a strategy right now to just say we can we can continue with American problems and issues and policies without being obsessed with Iran they are frozen they can't do anything we've got them in a stranglehold and all time is not on their side it's on our side and that I think is that the strategy right now and I think it will eventually work but boy he's taken a lot of criticism from people say the war is lost on no evidence I can't believe people on the conservative side even have said this was a fight fiasco it's destroyed his presence it hasn't at all if people give it time you will see radical changes in Iran for the first time in 50 years very very well put when we come back really I want to address two issues what comes post-Trump and also the president's really bold condemnation of antisemitism of antisemites some who used to be friends of his and so forth and so on let's see if we can address both of those because I think he's been quite the leader in trying to deal with with that and in the future of the Republican Party and so forth depending on who is capable of picking up the mantle and getting elected as a Republican do you think that they will share his principles and his belief systems and have the guts to say the kind of things that he says we'll be right back welcome back America tour de force the counter-revolution written by a great author of Victor Davis Hanson so Victor Davis Hanson what do you see in the future in terms of MAGA and what do you see in the future in terms of a Republican MAGA type candidate fighting antisemitism or gaslighting antisemitism yes well I we know that pumps been trolling and kidding around he's not gonna run for a third term I don't think he wants to we couldn't I think easily and he doesn't want to so the question is what's the MAGA movement I think it's irreversible the idea that we're gonna go back and allow China to dump product here below the cost of production or we're going to semi embrace the green agenda or we're gonna have open borders again as many Republicans did in the past I don't think that's gonna happen he's created a workers a working class middle class party and as I said earlier race is incidental not essential so he's trying to say that the black truck driver the Hispanic electrician the white sheetrock person and the suburban people like them they all have more in common and they're their enemies are not themselves but the East Coast liberal progressive establishment and that's not going to change and the question is who's going to succeed him I mean can you have sunlight without the Sun as one person put it and I think we have kind of an arbitrary divide between the Vance and Rubio even though Marco Rubio quite magnanimous Lee said he wouldn't run if JD Vance did JD Vance was selected contrary to all popular wisdom they said it well he's from Ohio and that's a red state they're gonna get it win it anyway in 24 and he's so he's a white male no diversity and yet Trump said well he's a masterful debater he's great on repartee and you better watch out media he's gonna destroy you and he did but I think his problem right now is that this mega movement that which I was talking about there are elements within it that want to be sort of a nationalist party in the sense of isolationism and they feel that Israel is a pernicious influence is dragging us into the two wars that are not in our interest etc etc and I'll go a little further I think a lot of the people in that movement want to deliberately be provocative to force JD Vance to say try to disown me and see what happens in 2028 so he's he feels he's in a dilemma but at some point I think that he'll do the right thing and I think he's gonna have anybody who's going to run for the office in 2028 is going to have to do two things as far as foreign policy they're gonna have to say whether you like it or not Israel has been the best friend that we've had in the Middle East in every sense of the way it's the only oasis of democracy of liberality of compassion and humanity and we're going to support it and number two people that are Jewish have a natural right to have an affinity with Israel's the historical home of the Jews there's no conspiracy they reflect the majority of our party and we're going to stop trying to demonize them we're not the left the left is completely anti-semitic it's completely anti-israeli they'll pay a price for that so we're not going to go there and for all of you who want to draw me in I think JD Vance will say and draw me in and try to make an artificial divide I'm gonna have to come out and say you don't represent the Republican Party values you don't represent the magma movement and you don't represent the legacy of Donald Trump and I think he can do it if he's the candidate but it's not just a D Vance any candidate who's nominated is gonna have to do that well I sit on the edge of my chair waiting for that I look forward to that very very much this is a fantastic book by Victor Davis Hanson the counter-revolution you get it at amazon.com any major bookstore starting on Tuesday Victor God bless you my friend you look good and healthy and you've written a real fantastic book thank you mark

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