Video transcript
You know, President Trump takes a lot of heat. They claim he's doing these horrendous things. Horrendous things to government, to the culture, horrendous things to the Constitution. All lies. I tell you this from a historical and legal perspective. In fact, it is they, his opposition, the abuse of power, the Department of Justice, the prosecutors, the indictments, the different jurisdictions, the abuse of the 14th Amendment to keep them off the ballot and over and over and on and on. Two unconstitutional impeachments, already plotting another impeachment, already plotting to destroy the independence of the Supreme Court and the judiciary, to stack the Senate, to stack the House of Representatives, and God knows what else they have in store for us. How dare they point a finger at him or any of us, what it is they who are tyrannical and have a totalitarian mindset. And look what they're doing in New York City, destroying it, absolutely destroying it. And in fact, the blue states are depopulating. People are trying to get out of there if they can get new jobs. Many people, they feel they can't leave. They have a generational attachment. But the only states that are actually growing, and I don't mean with illegal aliens, I mean with American citizens and naturalized citizens, are red states. Are red states. And there's a reason for that. There's a reason why the Democrats want to take over the whole country. So there's no escape. No matter what state you go to, the iron fist of centralized big government will be thrown at you. President Trump has a very small, small majority in the House and the Senate, and he's trying to get things done as fast as he can because he knows that there's a midterm election. We pray that we win, but we don't know. And he knows he has less than three years left in his presidency, and he's a doer, and he wants to get things done, and he's reaching into the culture, not just politics, to try and reform and protect and defend this nation. And people say, "Look at this. He knocked off a senator from Louisiana. He knocked off a senator from Texas. He knocked off this crazy congressman from Kentucky. Who does that?" A little bit of history. FDR tried to do that. The great FDR, according to the Democrats, greater than George Washington, greater than Abraham Lincoln combined. Nobody liked FDR. Why? Because he was a big socialist. That's why. But that for another day. Our friends at TeachingAmericanHistory.org, frustrated by the setbacks that his administration encountered in its second term, President Franklin Roosevelt took the bold step of intervening in the 1938 Democratic primaries. His targets were conservative Democrats, mostly Southerners, who had joined Republicans in opposing New Deal measures. In races across the country, he stumped from liberal candidates and denounced conservative incumbents as traitors to the cause of his reform. He explained his efforts in a speech, a fireside speech, that he gave on June 24, 1938. I'm not going to read the whole thing, but let me give you a taste of it. He said, "After the election of 1936, I was told, and Congress was told by an increasing number of politically and worldly-wise people, that I should coast along and join easy presidency for four years and not take the Democratic platform too seriously. They told me that the people were getting weary of reform through political effort and would no longer oppose that small minority which, in spite of its own disastrous leadership in 1929, is always eager to resume its control over the government of the United States. Never in our lifetime has such a concerted campaign of defeatism been thrown at the heads of the President and the Senators and Congressmen as in the case of this 75th Congress." He had gotten a lot of his new deal through, once he threatened the Supreme Court and many of the senior members started retiring, replaced with his appointees, but he was now being blocked by several of the more moderate Senators, Democrats in Congress, who said, "We understand why you're trying to address the Depression, but we're not all in for this socialist stuff." He says, "Never before have so many copperheads." That's a copperhead. During the Civil War, these were Northern Democrats who sided with, not the South, but with bringing the Civil War to a quick conclusion. They opposed war. They were anti-war. They opposed the warmongers who were trying to win the Civil War, and they turned on Lincoln, and they wanted to negotiate peace with the confederacy. See, we've been through a lot of these things before, whether it's World War II, the Civil War, and now the war with Iran. We've had the so-called anti-war types who don't want victory, and so you don't get victory. He complains about them. He says, "This Congress has ended on the side of the people. My faith in the American people and their faith in themselves have been justified, and I congratulate the Congress and the leadership thereof, and I congratulate the American people on their own staying power." So he slaps them around and then pats them on the head. He does this in a lot of his speeches. He goes on, "Following out this line of thought, I want to say a few words about the coming political primaries." Here we get to the gist of it. "Fifty years ago, party nominations were generally made in conventions, a system typified in the public imagination by a little group in smoke-filled room who made out the party states. The direct primary was invented to make the nominating process a more democratic one, to give the party voters themselves a chance to pick their party candidates." He goes on, "An election cannot give the country a firm sense of direction if it has two or more national parties which merely have different names but are as alike in their principles and names as peas in the same pod." In other words, the UNI party. The radicals always talk about the UNI party, whether they're the Woke Right, REICH, the Islamists or the Marxists, or Jess Kooks. "In the coming primaries, all parties, there will be many clashes between two schools of thought, generally classified as liberal and conservative. Roughly speaking, the liberal school of thought recognizes the new conditions throughout the world and they call for new remedies." And of course, the conservatives, Jess, the old school, you know, big business, big government, all the Bernie Sanders claptrap. But he says later, "With the head of the Democrat party charged with the responsibility of carrying out the definitely liberal declaration of principles set forth in the 1936 Democratic platform, I feel that I have every right to speak in those few instances where there may be a clear-cut issue between candidates for a democratic nomination involving these principles or involving a clear misuse of my own name." So he goes out and he campaigns to actually help pick candidates to take on these more conservative candidates. He's wildly popular, FDR won a landslide, but in every case where he tried to knock off a more conservative or moderate Democrat, his candidate lost except one in New York. Every other case, FDR's candidate lost. And it set back his administration. The party was angry. If he had won, they wouldn't be so angry, but he lost. Every one but won. He lost Walter George, a senator in Georgia, George won. Miller Tidings in Maryland won. FDR lost. Ellison Smith in South Carolina won. FDR lost. But he won this chairman of the House Rules Committee in New York, John O'Connor. He defeated him, but that's it. He didn't defeat anybody else. I want you to compare that to Donald Trump. Again, you got a couple vote majority in the House and you got guys like Massey who represent one small congressional district who are trying to undermine the president's landslide victory. One congressman, maybe two or three, because the majority is so tight. So they're trying to take his mandate and destroy it. And the president knows, President Trump, I got to get my agenda through. And I have a few of these senators who do the same thing. I got one senator who actually voted a removal from office in the second impeachment when I already was a private citizen. And he expects me to be supporting him in a Republican primary. What Donald Trump has done is what FDR tried to do, but failed. Not only that in Donald Trump's case, it's not only Louisiana, it's not only state senators in Indiana. It's not only Massey in Kentucky. It's not only the Senate race in Georgia with this Raffensperger. It's not only Cornyn in Texas, but before that, the president got involved in all these primaries in his first term. I don't think he's lost one. Maybe it's one or two, but whatever it is, it's inconsequential. So for those people who say, you know, Donald Trump's lost a step. You know, MAGA's divided. You know, MAGA's tiny, tiny thing that just represents Mark Levin. These are fools and buffoons. MAGA is as strong as ever. In fact, the Republican Party is MAGA. And MAGA is Donald Trump's movement. And we've got the general election. Everything will be put to the test come November. But those are the facts.
Transcribed automatically. Expect errors in names and numbers.