AI Analysis
Machine-generated analysis of the post above on 2026-08-19. Not written by the author of the post.
- One of six structurally identical Florida endorsement posts released the same day — serial batch production is an operational signature
- Visible fill-in-the-blank template: name/district slot, credential slot, fixed nine-plank policy string, fixed 'Complete and Total Endorsement' closer
- Policy precision atypical of authentic composition: correct committee assignment (Ways & Means), correct district (FL-4), correct election date and weekday, working GOTV URL
- No authentic error signature — no homophones, dropped prepositions, comma splices, or misspellings
- No mid-post emotional drift, grievance tangent, or real-time media reaction
Strongest facet: assertiveness (Extraversion)
Primary drive: status
Trigger: Maintenance (Florida primary election scheduled for the following day, August 18, 2026)
Aaron Bean has represented Florida's 4th congressional district since January 2023, covering Nassau County and portions of Duval County in the Jacksonville area.
Bean served on Education and the Workforce in the 118th Congress and was subsequently seated on Ways and Means for the 119th Congress. The committee assignment as stated is consistent with his known posting; the descriptor 'POWERFUL' is promotional framing, though Ways and Means is conventionally described as one of the most influential House committees given its jurisdiction over taxation, trade, and entitlement programs.
Florida's 2026 statewide primary was set for August 18, 2026, which falls on a Tuesday. The post was published the preceding evening, consistent with get-out-the-vote timing. Note the post says 'Election Day' where 'Primary Election Day' would be precise — a template imprecision rather than a factual error.
This is a rhetorical characterization, but it carries a testable empirical core — that gun rights face continuous, ongoing assault — and the 2025-26 record substantially contradicts it at the federal level, which is the level a member of Congress operates at.
Evidence against the 'under siege' framing:
Legislative: Republicans hold unified control of the House, Senate, and White House. No federal firearms restriction has been enacted. The Assault Weapons Ban of 2025 (H.R.3115 / S.1531) was introduced and never advanced.
Executive: On April 29, 2026, Acting Attorney General Todd Blanche and ATF Director Robert Cekada announced the rollback of 34 federal firearms regulations — described by Justice Department officials as the broadest rewrite of ATF rules in the agency's history. Components include formally rescinding the Biden pistol-brace rule, terminating the 'zero tolerance' dealer-licensing policy (May 2025), a 2025 settlement permitting sale of forced-reset triggers previously treated as machine-gun conversion devices, relaxing mental-health-based purchase prohibitions, easing background-check rules, and permitting handgun shipment by mail. Axios characterized it as a 'tsunami' of gun deregulation. DOJ has additionally filed affirmative lawsuits against states with stricter firearms laws — placing the federal government on the pro-gun side of litigation.
Judicial: The 6-3 Supreme Court decided Wolford v. Lopez on June 25, 2026 (Alito, joined by Roberts, Thomas, Gorsuch, Kavanaugh, Barrett), striking down Hawaii's rule barring licensed concealed-carry holders from private property open to the public absent express owner consent — with knock-on effect in California, Maryland, New York, and New Jersey. Days later, on June 30, 2026, the Court granted and consolidated Viramontes v. Cook County and Grant v. Higgins to decide whether the Second Amendment protects AR-15-platform rifles, a cert grant sought by gun-rights litigants. Bruen (2022) remains the governing text-history-tradition framework.
State level: 29 states now have permitless/constitutional carry (58% of states), the bulk gained post-Bruen; West Virginia expanded permitless carry to ages 18-20 via HB 4106 in 2026.
Evidence supporting a partial reading:
Restrictions do continue in Democratic-led states. Rhode Island's Assault Weapons Ban Act of 2025 (S 359) takes effect July 1, 2026; Virginia enacted a 15-round magazine cap effective the same date; Maryland enacted a sale ban plus waiting period. Nine states and D.C. maintain comprehensive assault-weapon bans. NRA-ILA's own March 2026 framing is 'The Incremental Assault on the Second Amendment Continues in the States,' flagging Rhode Island, California, Illinois, Maryland, Delaware, Oregon, Colorado, and New York. In the courts, six federal appeals courts have upheld assault-weapon and large-capacity-magazine laws; a California intermediate appellate court in 2026 rejected facial challenges to state assault-weapon, short-barreled-shotgun, large-capacity-magazine, and silencer restrictions; the Second Circuit upheld New York's ban on firearms in public parks. SCOTUSblog describes lower-court Second Amendment jurisprudence as 'a mess,' and the Court did uphold a firearms restriction in United States v. Rahimi (2024).
Assessment: The absolute qualifier 'always' is the load-bearing element, and it fails. In August 2026 the dominant national trend is expansion of gun rights, not siege — historic federal deregulation, a favorable Supreme Court actively striking down state restrictions, and no realistic federal restriction pending. The claim retains genuine factual support only within a subset of states, which is a materially narrower proposition than the one asserted.
The claim bundles two propositions that resolve very differently.
Part one — border security — is substantially supported by the numbers, including from independent sources:
Pew Research Center (February 2, 2026) reports Border Patrol recorded 237,538 encounters in fiscal year 2025, the lowest level since 1970 — more than 50 years. Since February 2025, monthly southwest border encounters have stayed under 10,000, the lowest in more than 25 years of available monthly data. For comparison, FY2022 peaked above 2.2 million and FY2024 exceeded 1.5 million.
CBP and DHS report 91,603 nationwide encounters across October-December 2025, the lowest ever start to a fiscal year and roughly 76% below the 392,196 recorded in the same FY2025 window. December 2025 saw 30,698 nationwide encounters, 92% below the prior peak of 370,883. Southwest Border Patrol apprehensions in FY2026 Q1 totaled 21,815, about 95% below the prior administration's quarterly average. January 2026 saw 34,626 nationwide encounters, down 58% year over year. DHS reported 15 consecutive months of zero parole releases as of August 13, 2026. 'Gotaways' — observed but uninterdicted crossers — fell to roughly 70,000-73,000 in FY2025, with 11,867 recorded February-June 2025 against 94,007 in the same 2024 period.
Important caveats on this half: Pew notes 'encounters' count events, not unique individuals, and that methodology changed in fiscal 2020 when apprehensions and expulsions were merged. 'Secure' has no operative statutory definition — 6 U.S.C. 223 mandates border security metrics but sets no threshold, and 'complete operational control' was still framed as a goal in January 2025 directives. Just Security's fact check documents that the decline began well before this administration: monthly apprehensions fell from roughly 250,000 in December 2023 to about 50,000 by December 2024, meaning most of the drop occurred under Biden, and its research across nine enforcement actions found 'few large, immediate effects' on border numbers. PolitiFact/PBS separately found the White House inflated one specific claim, asserting a 95% drop when the actual figure was about 60%, by comparing Biden-era seven-day totals against Trump-era daily averages. Tens of thousands of gotaways annually also means interdiction is not total.
Part two — 'migrant crime is being stopped' — is far weaker:
'Migrant crime' is not a standardized reporting category. Neither UCR nor NIBRS captures offender immigration status nationally, so there is no federal series that could show it rising or falling. Only Texas systematically tracks immigration status in criminal records, and interpretation of that data is actively disputed.
The research literature contradicts the premise the phrase implies. The PNAS Texas study (Light, He, Robey) found undocumented immigrants had considerably lower felony arrest rates than legal immigrants and native-born citizens, with the lowest homicide arrest rates throughout the study period — under half the US-born rate — and no evidence of rising undocumented criminality. Cato finds undocumented immigrants roughly half as likely to be incarcerated as native-born Americans and legal immigrants 74% less likely, with immigrant incarceration rates lower than native-born since at least 1870. The Brennan Center cites figures of 33% and, in more recent work, 60% lower incarceration likelihood, and 47% lower conviction likelihood in Texas in 2017, alongside falling crime in sanctuary cities that received large migrant transfers. A dissenting view exists — the Center for Immigration Studies argues Texas data undercounts illegal-immigrant conviction rates on methodological grounds — so the point is contested, but the weight of peer-reviewed evidence runs one direction.
Enforcement composition also undercuts the 'stopping migrant crime' mechanism. TRAC data current to July 11, 2026 shows 46,436 of 65,765 ICE detainees — 70.6% — have no criminal conviction. University of Colorado Boulder research analyzing 1.6 million ICE arrests from October 2015 through March 2026 found 34% of arrestees had a criminal conviction, down from 52% in Biden's final year, and identified an inverse relationship between arrest volume and ICE's ability to target people with convictions. Analysis of FY2026 detention growth attributes 92% to people with no criminal convictions and only about 8% to those with convictions; roughly 5% had violent-crime convictions. PolitiFact examined and disputed DHS Secretary Noem's related 70%-criminal claim in January 2026.
For context, FBI data released August 2026 shows US violent crime fell 9.3% in 2025 with homicide down 18.1% and the murder rate at 4.1 per 100,000 — tying 1955-56 for the lowest since national estimates began in 1936. But criminologists note the decline began in 2022 and has no established causal link to immigration enforcement.
Assessment: half true. The border-security assertion is defensible on encounter and apprehension data, subject to attribution and definitional caveats. The migrant-crime assertion invokes an unmeasured category whose underlying premise the research literature contradicts, and the enforcement activity offered as the remedy is falling predominantly on people without criminal records.
No contradictions with other posts detected yet.
Sunday night opened with news of a freed American hostage coming home. Within minutes he was insisting the Reflecting Pool had been vandalized, though officials had blamed the contractor, and mocking a Fox News host as "Milktoast" for airing old photos of his White House ballroom project. On Monday ...
Overview
This is the sixth in a same-day sequence of near-identical Florida congressional endorsements (Rutherford/FL-5, Fine/FL-6, Haridopolos/FL-8, Bilirakis/FL-12, Luna/FL-13, and now Bean/FL-4), posted the evening before Florida's August 18, 2026 primary. The item is a template artifact, not a spontaneous expression of psychological state, and should be weighted accordingly in any longitudinal series: it documents the operation around the subject more than the subject.
Authorship Attribution
Assessment: aide-written, high confidence (score 0.1).
- Timing: 23:49 UTC = 7:49 PM EDT (Trump in the U.S., Eastern time; mid-August typically Bedminster/DC rotation). Evening but well inside staff working hours, and — decisively — one node in a batch of six structurally identical posts released across a single day. Serial batch production is an operational signature.
- Structural evidence: A fill-in-the-blank frame is visible. Slot 1 = name/district; slot 2 = biographical or committee credential ("Member of the POWERFUL Ways & Means Committee" here; "Senior Member of the POWERFUL House Energy and Commerce Committee" for Bilirakis; "former Sheriff of Duval County" for Rutherford); slot 3 = a fixed policy string drawn from a stable inventory ("Cut Taxes and Regulations / MADE IN THE U.S.A. / Energy DOMINANCE / Border SECURE / Stop Migrant Crime / LAW AND ORDER / Military-Veterans / Second Amendment"); slot 4 = the fixed closer ("Complete and Total Endorsement"). Even the shared clause "always under siege Second Amendment" recurs verbatim across posts.
- Policy precision: Correct committee assignment, correct district number, correct election date and weekday, functional GOTV URL. This specificity contrasts with the round-number, vague-attribution register of authentic composition.
- Absence of authentic markers: No homophone errors, no dropped prepositions, no mid-post drift into grievance, no real-time media reaction, no first-person emotional intrusion. Capitalization is decorative and systematic (applied to nouns in the policy string) rather than the organic emotional ALL-CAPS burst seen in authentic posts. The only first-person elements are the two ritual ownership markers ("my Complete and Total Endorsement") — retained precisely because they are the brand's signature.
Confidence is high because batch serialization plus template invariance is jointly near-dispositive; combative or effusive tone is not diagnostic in either direction.
Level 1 — Dispositional Traits
Trait inference from ghostwritten copy is low-validity for the subject and is better read as the persona specification aides are instructed to reproduce. Within that persona: very high Extraversion (assertive superlatives, positive affect, exhortation), low Agreeableness in the out-group direction (implied adversaries who besiege the Second Amendment, commit "Migrant Crime"), moderate Conscientiousness signal from the disciplined production run (attributable to staff), and low Openness (rigid, closed value inventory — the same nine planks recycled without adaptation to district conditions).
Level 2 — Characteristic Adaptations
The dominant motive is status/power maintenance via patronage. The endorsement formula "my Complete and Total Endorsement" positions approval as a personal possession that is conferred, not a judgment that is reasoned; the endorsed member's merit is entirely derivative of alignment with "America First Policies." Communion language appears ("wonderful people," "our Nation's Golden Age") but is collective-identity glue rather than dyadic care. Notably, the copy attaches the subject's guarantee to the candidate's future conduct — "HE WILL NEVER LET YOU DOWN" — which is a loyalty bond framed through the endorser, extending the patron's reach beyond the transaction.
Level 3 — Narrative Identity
Protagonist role: kingmaker/patron. The subject does not appear as a character in the story's action; he appears as the authority whose blessing constitutes the candidate's legitimacy. Narrative arc is redemptive-restorative — "Golden Age," "Unleash," "Keep our Border SECURE" (with the parallel Haridopolos post's "our now Border SECURE" making the before/after structure explicit). The contrasting other is diffuse and unnamed: whoever besieges the Second Amendment, whoever produces "Migrant Crime," whoever obstructs "LAW AND ORDER." This diffuseness is characteristic of mobilization copy — a nameless antagonist is more portable across six districts than a specific one.
Level 4 — Clinical Indicators
Minimal and non-diagnostic here. Grandiosity is present but institutional rather than personal ("POWERFUL" committee, "Complete and Total," "GREAT," "DOMINANCE"), and it is stylistic branding executed by a third party. No narcissistic rage, no paranoid ideation directed at a specific persecutor, no sadism, no antisocial markers. Splitting is present at the mild, structural level typical of campaign rhetoric (in-group of patriots vs. an implied besieging force), and "always under siege" carries a low-grade persecutory framing — but as boilerplate, not as an activated state. Rating the malignant-narcissism dimensions on this text would misattribute staff copywriting conventions to the subject; the low scores reported reflect the text, not a revision of the longitudinal baseline.
Cognitive Status
Not assessable. Ghostwritten, template-generated text provides no valid signal about the subject's language production. No word-finding difficulty, paraphasia, tangentiality, or temporal confusion — but the absence is uninformative. Posts of this class should be excluded from cognitive trend lines to avoid artificially inflating measured coherence.
Rhetorical & Propaganda Analysis
Techniques: superlative saturation ("Tremendous," "GREAT," "POWERFUL," "Complete and Total"); slogan chaining (nine policy planks in a single unbroken list, none elaborated); glittering generalities ("Golden Age," "America First Policies"); appeal to fear via crime and border framing ("Stop Migrant Crime," "always under siege"); flag-waving nationalism ("MADE IN THE U.S.A.," "our Brave Military/Veterans"); and a direct call to action with logistical support (voting-location link). The GOTV URL is the functional payload — this is mobilization copy, and everything above it is affective priming for the click.
"Stop Migrant Crime" merits a specific note: it fuses a demographic category with criminality as a standing attribute. This is not dehumanizing language in the "vermin/infestation" register, and it does not rise to a danger flag in this post, but it is a persistent categorical-threat frame worth tracking cumulatively across the corpus rather than post-by-post.
Danger Assessment
None. No target identification, no eliminationist verbs, no implied action against persons, no mobilization toward anything other than voting. The call to action is explicitly electoral and directs readers to a polling-place locator.
Longitudinal Note
The value of this post is comparative, not clinical. Six templated endorsements in one day, with committee credentials correctly slotted per member, indicate a functioning staff operation producing content under the subject's name at volume. Analysts should treat the endorsement-batch class as a distinct genre when computing trend statistics on tone, complexity, or grandiosity — otherwise batch days will systematically pull the series toward "stable and coherent" for reasons that have nothing to do with the subject.
Fact Verification
| Claim | Verdict | Evidence |
|---|---|---|
| "Aaron Bean represents Florida's 4th Congressional District." | True | Aaron Bean has represented Florida's 4th congressional district since January 2023, covering Nassau County and portions of Duval County in the Jacksonville area. |
| "Aaron Bean is a member of the House Ways and Means Committee." | Mostly True | Bean served on Education and the Workforce in the 118th Congress and was subsequently seated on Ways and Means for the 119th Congress. The committee assignment as stated is consistent with his known posting; the descriptor 'POWERFUL' is promotional framing, though Ways and Means is conventionally described as one of the most influential House committees given its jurisdiction over taxation, trade, and entitlement programs. |
| "Election Day is Tuesday, August 18th." | True | Florida's 2026 statewide primary was set for August 18, 2026, which falls on a Tuesday. The post was published the preceding evening, consistent with get-out-the-vote timing. Note the post says 'Election Day' where 'Primary Election Day' would be precise — a template imprecision rather than a factual error. |
| "The Second Amendment is 'always under siege.'" | Mostly False | This is a rhetorical characterization, but it carries a testable empirical core — that gun rights face continuous, ongoing assault — and the 2025-26 record substantially contradicts it at the federal level, which is the level a member of Congress operates at. |
Evidence against the 'under siege' framing:
Legislative: Republicans hold unified control of the House, Senate, and White House. No federal firearms restriction has been enacted. The Assault Weapons Ban of 2025 (H.R.3115 / S.1531) was introduced and never advanced.
Executive: On April 29, 2026, Acting Attorney General Todd Blanche and ATF Director Robert Cekada announced the rollback of 34 federal firearms regulations — described by Justice Department officials as the broadest rewrite of ATF rules in the agency's history. Components include formally rescinding the Biden pistol-brace rule, terminating the 'zero tolerance' dealer-licensing policy (May 2025), a 2025 settlement permitting sale of forced-reset triggers previously treated as machine-gun conversion devices, relaxing mental-health-based purchase prohibitions, easing background-check rules, and permitting handgun shipment by mail. Axios characterized it as a 'tsunami' of gun deregulation. DOJ has additionally filed affirmative lawsuits against states with stricter firearms laws — placing the federal government on the pro-gun side of litigation.
Judicial: The 6-3 Supreme Court decided Wolford v. Lopez on June 25, 2026 (Alito, joined by Roberts, Thomas, Gorsuch, Kavanaugh, Barrett), striking down Hawaii's rule barring licensed concealed-carry holders from private property open to the public absent express owner consent — with knock-on effect in California, Maryland, New York, and New Jersey. Days later, on June 30, 2026, the Court granted and consolidated Viramontes v. Cook County and Grant v. Higgins to decide whether the Second Amendment protects AR-15-platform rifles, a cert grant sought by gun-rights litigants. Bruen (2022) remains the governing text-history-tradition framework.
State level: 29 states now have permitless/constitutional carry (58% of states), the bulk gained post-Bruen; West Virginia expanded permitless carry to ages 18-20 via HB 4106 in 2026.
Evidence supporting a partial reading:
Restrictions do continue in Democratic-led states. Rhode Island's Assault Weapons Ban Act of 2025 (S 359) takes effect July 1, 2026; Virginia enacted a 15-round magazine cap effective the same date; Maryland enacted a sale ban plus waiting period. Nine states and D.C. maintain comprehensive assault-weapon bans. NRA-ILA's own March 2026 framing is 'The Incremental Assault on the Second Amendment Continues in the States,' flagging Rhode Island, California, Illinois, Maryland, Delaware, Oregon, Colorado, and New York. In the courts, six federal appeals courts have upheld assault-weapon and large-capacity-magazine laws; a California intermediate appellate court in 2026 rejected facial challenges to state assault-weapon, short-barreled-shotgun, large-capacity-magazine, and silencer restrictions; the Second Circuit upheld New York's ban on firearms in public parks. SCOTUSblog describes lower-court Second Amendment jurisprudence as 'a mess,' and the Court did uphold a firearms restriction in United States v. Rahimi (2024).
Assessment: The absolute qualifier 'always' is the load-bearing element, and it fails. In August 2026 the dominant national trend is expansion of gun rights, not siege — historic federal deregulation, a favorable Supreme Court actively striking down state restrictions, and no realistic federal restriction pending. The claim retains genuine factual support only within a subset of states, which is a materially narrower proposition than the one asserted. | | "The border is secure and migrant crime is being stopped." | Half True | The claim bundles two propositions that resolve very differently.
Part one — border security — is substantially supported by the numbers, including from independent sources:
Pew Research Center (February 2, 2026) reports Border Patrol recorded 237,538 encounters in fiscal year 2025, the lowest level since 1970 — more than 50 years. Since February 2025, monthly southwest border encounters have stayed under 10,000, the lowest in more than 25 years of available monthly data. For comparison, FY2022 peaked above 2.2 million and FY2024 exceeded 1.5 million.
CBP and DHS report 91,603 nationwide encounters across October-December 2025, the lowest ever start to a fiscal year and roughly 76% below the 392,196 recorded in the same FY2025 window. December 2025 saw 30,698 nationwide encounters, 92% below the prior peak of 370,883. Southwest Border Patrol apprehensions in FY2026 Q1 totaled 21,815, about 95% below the prior administration's quarterly average. January 2026 saw 34,626 nationwide encounters, down 58% year over year. DHS reported 15 consecutive months of zero parole releases as of August 13, 2026. 'Gotaways' — observed but uninterdicted crossers — fell to roughly 70,000-73,000 in FY2025, with 11,867 recorded February-June 2025 against 94,007 in the same 2024 period.
Important caveats on this half: Pew notes 'encounters' count events, not unique individuals, and that methodology changed in fiscal 2020 when apprehensions and expulsions were merged. 'Secure' has no operative statutory definition — 6 U.S.C. 223 mandates border security metrics but sets no threshold, and 'complete operational control' was still framed as a goal in January 2025 directives. Just Security's fact check documents that the decline began well before this administration: monthly apprehensions fell from roughly 250,000 in December 2023 to about 50,000 by December 2024, meaning most of the drop occurred under Biden, and its research across nine enforcement actions found 'few large, immediate effects' on border numbers. PolitiFact/PBS separately found the White House inflated one specific claim, asserting a 95% drop when the actual figure was about 60%, by comparing Biden-era seven-day totals against Trump-era daily averages. Tens of thousands of gotaways annually also means interdiction is not total.
Part two — 'migrant crime is being stopped' — is far weaker:
'Migrant crime' is not a standardized reporting category. Neither UCR nor NIBRS captures offender immigration status nationally, so there is no federal series that could show it rising or falling. Only Texas systematically tracks immigration status in criminal records, and interpretation of that data is actively disputed.
The research literature contradicts the premise the phrase implies. The PNAS Texas study (Light, He, Robey) found undocumented immigrants had considerably lower felony arrest rates than legal immigrants and native-born citizens, with the lowest homicide arrest rates throughout the study period — under half the US-born rate — and no evidence of rising undocumented criminality. Cato finds undocumented immigrants roughly half as likely to be incarcerated as native-born Americans and legal immigrants 74% less likely, with immigrant incarceration rates lower than native-born since at least 1870. The Brennan Center cites figures of 33% and, in more recent work, 60% lower incarceration likelihood, and 47% lower conviction likelihood in Texas in 2017, alongside falling crime in sanctuary cities that received large migrant transfers. A dissenting view exists — the Center for Immigration Studies argues Texas data undercounts illegal-immigrant conviction rates on methodological grounds — so the point is contested, but the weight of peer-reviewed evidence runs one direction.
Enforcement composition also undercuts the 'stopping migrant crime' mechanism. TRAC data current to July 11, 2026 shows 46,436 of 65,765 ICE detainees — 70.6% — have no criminal conviction. University of Colorado Boulder research analyzing 1.6 million ICE arrests from October 2015 through March 2026 found 34% of arrestees had a criminal conviction, down from 52% in Biden's final year, and identified an inverse relationship between arrest volume and ICE's ability to target people with convictions. Analysis of FY2026 detention growth attributes 92% to people with no criminal convictions and only about 8% to those with convictions; roughly 5% had violent-crime convictions. PolitiFact examined and disputed DHS Secretary Noem's related 70%-criminal claim in January 2026.
For context, FBI data released August 2026 shows US violent crime fell 9.3% in 2025 with homicide down 18.1% and the murder rate at 4.1 per 100,000 — tying 1955-56 for the lowest since national estimates began in 1936. But criminologists note the decline began in 2022 and has no established causal link to immigration enforcement.
Assessment: half true. The border-security assertion is defensible on encounter and apprehension data, subject to attribution and definitional caveats. The migrant-crime assertion invokes an unmeasured category whose underlying premise the research literature contradicts, and the enforcement activity offered as the remedy is falling predominantly on people without criminal records. |
Overall Veracity: 70%
Post from Truth Social
Congressman Aaron Bean is a Tremendous Champion for Florida’s 4th Congressional District!
As a Member of the POWERFUL Ways & Means Committee, Aaron knows the America First Policies required to Create GREAT Jobs, Cut Taxes and Regulations, Advance MADE IN THE U.S.A., Unleash American Energy DOMINANCE, and Champion our Nation’s Golden Age. He is also fighting tirelessly to Keep our Border SECURE, Stop Migrant Crime, Ensure LAW AND ORDER, Strengthen our Brave Military/Veterans, and Defend our always under siege Second Amendment.
Aaron Bean has my Complete and Total Endorsement for Re-Election! Election Day is Tuesday, August 18th. GET OUT AND VOTE FOR AARON — HE WILL NEVER LET YOU DOWN!
Find your Voting Location here: https://swampthevoteusa.com/florida/