AI Analysis
Machine-generated analysis of the post above on 2026-08-14. Not written by the author of the post.
Low clinical significance as an individual artifact; retained as a baseline calibration sample. This is the fifth-plus New York congressional endorsement posted on 2026-08-13, drawn from a closed template inventory with only names, district numbers, and one or two bespoke details substituted. Authorship is predominantly staff-produced (0.15) — no typos, no emotional drift, no grievance tangent, clean three-paragraph architecture, posted 17:38 ET at the close of business hours. Two features nonetheless survive the template and warrant longitudinal logging. First, the possessive-commodity construction of endorsement power: "my Complete and Total Endorsement" renders political legitimacy a discrete, wholly-owned good the subject alone distributes, with the redundant intensifier implying partial endorsements withheld elsewhere. "With us from the very beginning" installs a loyalty-tenure hierarchy positioning the subject as the origin point. Second, a siege schema embedded so deeply in the standard vocabulary that it persists into celebratory boilerplate — the Second Amendment "always under siege," the border requiring securing, energy requiring "DOMINANCE." That a maximally positive, staff-drafted post still encodes permanent encirclement indicates the threat model is structural rather than state-dependent. Idealization is uniform and interchangeable across endorsees, which is its diagnostic signature; splitting is visible only at corpus level, where same-day posts sort the delegation into identically-praised allies and identically-devalued opponents. No rage, no vulnerability markers, no danger indicators. The post is entirely non-responsive to the week's Epstein-file ruling and vaccine-order criticism — evidence that this channel runs separately from reactive posting, not evidence of equanimity.
- Fifth-plus in a same-day series of NY congressional endorsements sharing a near-identical phrase inventory — evidence of a fill-in-the-blank template process
- Verbatim recycled modules: 'Grow our Economy,' 'Cut Taxes and Regulations,' 'Advance American Energy DOMINANCE,' 'Keep our Border SECURE,' 'always under siege Second Amendment'
- Zero typos, homophone errors, dropped prepositions, or comma splices
- No mid-post emotional drift or grievance tangent — the thread is held from first word to last
- No real-time TV/news reaction; no response to the week's Epstein-file or vaccine-order coverage
Strongest facet: assertiveness (E3) — expressed as patronage-dispensing authority rather than personal dominance display
Primary drive: power
Trigger: Maintenance (Routine coalition and endorsement management ahead of the 2026 midterms; part of a systematic district-by-district sweep of the New York delegation)
Langworthy was elected to represent New York's 23rd Congressional District in 2022 and has held the seat since January 2023. The district covers the Southern Tier and western New York.
Langworthy was elected chairman of the New York Republican State Committee in July 2019, following service as Erie County Republican Committee chairman. He held the state chairmanship through his 2022 congressional campaign and into the start of his House tenure before handing it off.
As Erie County GOP chairman, Langworthy was among the earlier New York Republican officials to align with Trump's 2016 campaign and helped organize Trump's western New York operation. 'From the very beginning' is characteristic hyperbole for a supporter who came aboard during the 2016 primary rather than at the outset, but the directional claim of early alignment is supported.
This is a political characterization rather than a discrete factual assertion, but its underlying factual substrate is checkable, and it resolves as genuinely mixed rather than unverifiable.
Evidence supporting the claim (ongoing restriction efforts are real and continuous):
- Giffords Law Center's 2025 year-end review reports that 33 states enacted 89 gun-restriction bills in 2025, bringing the total since Sandy Hook (2012) to more than 820. Everytown separately catalogued 17 major 2025 state wins, including Rhode Island's new assault weapons ban and Colorado's permit-to-purchase system.
- Roughly 10 states plus the District of Columbia currently ban firearms their statutes define as 'assault weapons' (California, Connecticut, Hawaii, Maryland, Massachusetts, New Jersey, New York, and others), with additional bans scheduled to take effect July 1, 2026.
- In New York — the state Langworthy represents — Gov. Hochul signed three new firearms laws in April 2025 (banning pistol converters, strengthening dealer warnings and credit-card purchase tracking, and tracking ammunition stockpiling), and the FY27 enacted budget adds first-in-the-nation 3D-printer safety standards aimed at untraceable firearms.
- The Supreme Court denied certiorari in Snope v. Brown on June 2, 2025, leaving Maryland's AR-15 ban in force; only Justices Thomas, Alito, and Gorsuch noted they would have granted review, one short of the four needed.
- The Court also denied certiorari in Antonyuk v. James in April 2025, leaving most of New York's Concealed Carry Improvement Act — including its 'sensitive locations' regime and 'good moral character' requirement — intact after the Second Circuit upheld it in October 2024. The Second Circuit further upheld transit and Times Square carry bans in Frey v. City of New York (Sept. 19, 2025).
- Post-Bruen, a Giffords analysis of more than 450 decisions found courts upheld the challenged gun law in roughly 88% of cases (about 93% in criminal cases).
- Restrictive bills continue to be filed federally, including the Assault Weapons Ban of 2025 (H.R. 3115) in the 119th Congress.
Evidence contradicting the claim (the dominant trajectory is expansion, not siege):
- The past two decades constitute the most sustained expansion of judicially recognized gun rights in modern American history: District of Columbia v. Heller (2008) recognized an individual right; McDonald v. Chicago (2010) incorporated it against the states; NYSRPA v. Bruen (2022) recognized a right to public carry and imposed a history-and-tradition test; Garland v. Cargill (2024) voided the federal bump-stock ban.
- Most directly relevant to timing: the Supreme Court decided Wolford v. Lopez on June 25, 2026 — roughly seven weeks before this post — striking down Hawaii's Act 52 default no-carry rule for private property open to the public, 6-3, in an opinion by Justice Alito joined by Roberts, Thomas, Gorsuch, Kavanaugh, and Barrett.
- Permitless ('constitutional') carry expanded from a single state (Vermont) in the early 2000s to 29 states as of January 2026, covering about 46.8% of the U.S. population and 67.7% of its land area, per a Crime Prevention Research Center report circulated by NRA-ILA. Concealed-carry permit holders grew from 2.7 million in 1999 to a peak of about 22 million in 2022 (about 20.9 million in 2024, with the decline attributable to states dropping permit requirements entirely).
- The federal assault weapons ban expired in 2004 and has never been renewed. No federal gun-control statute has been enacted since the Bipartisan Safer Communities Act of 2022.
- Gallup's 65-year trend shows support for a handgun-possession ban at a near-record-low 20%, down from a 1959 high near 60%; support for stricter firearm sale laws stands at 56%, well below the 78% peak in 1990.
- At the moment of this post, the speaker's own party controlled the White House, both chambers of Congress, and a 6-3 Supreme Court majority repeatedly ruling for gun-rights claimants. Trump signed the executive order 'Protecting Second Amendment Rights' on Feb. 7, 2025, directing the Attorney General to identify and eliminate federal infringements within 30 days; AG Pam Bondi created a Second Amendment Enforcement Task Force in April 2025; ATF replaced its 2021 'zero tolerance' dealer-licensing policy in May 2025; and DOJ/ATF subsequently issued a package of roughly 34 final and proposed rules rolling back prior firearms regulations.
Assessment of the framing itself:
Fact-checkers have repeatedly rated stronger versions of this narrative as false or deceptive. FactCheck.org's 2019 analysis 'Deceptive Second Amendment Ads' found Trump campaign ads claiming Democrats 'admitted what they truly want: a repeal of the Second Amendment' to be misleading, cherry-picking a handful of state legislators while no congressional Democrats or presidential candidates supported repeal. PolitiFact rated a 'nationwide gun confiscation' claim False, and Snopes found a Colorado red-flag bill did not 'strip away' Second Amendment rights.
Context on the phrase: 'always under siege Second Amendment' is verbatim boilerplate appearing across dozens of Trump endorsement posts over multiple years and in states with radically divergent firearms regimes — including endorsements of Michael Alfonso, Hung Cao, Wilton Simpson, and Byron Donalds. NPR's June 2026 analysis of Trump's 'Complete and Total Endorsement' formula documents that the language is largely invariant across races. The phrase therefore functions as a fixed slogan rather than a time-indexed assessment of legal conditions, which is why it appears unchanged in a period when federal policy, the Supreme Court's docket, and 29 states' carry laws were all moving in the gun-rights direction.
Verdict rationale: 'half true' rather than 'mostly false' because the claim is not fabricated — a continuous stream of new firearm restrictions is documented at the state level, especially in New York and other high-regulation states, and the Supreme Court has declined to disturb assault weapons bans. But 'always' is an absolute that the record contradicts: on the two measures most relevant to constitutional status — Supreme Court doctrine and the number of Americans free to carry without a permit — the Second Amendment is at or near its modern high-water mark, and was being actively expanded by the federal government at the time of the post.
No contradictions with other posts detected yet.
Trump's account posted heavily, but he wrote almost none of it. The bulk of the day was a rapid batch of campaign endorsements — more than a dozen New York and Florida candidates, all cut from the same template — pushed out in barely over an hour of the late afternoon and then reposted onto his own ...
Analysis: Endorsement of Rep. Nick Langworthy (NY-23), 2026-08-13
1. Authorship Attribution
Assessment: Predominantly staff-produced within an established dictation-template system (score 0.15, medium-high confidence).
The determinative evidence is serial context. This is at minimum the fifth New York congressional endorsement posted on 2026-08-13, and the constituent phrase inventory is near-identical across all of them: "Grow our Economy," "Cut Taxes and Regulations," "Promote MADE IN THE U.S.A.," "Advance American Energy DOMINANCE," "Keep our Border SECURE," "Support our Brave Military/Veterans," "Defend our always under siege Second Amendment," "Complete and Total Endorsement," "HE WILL NEVER LET YOU DOWN!" The Garbarino, Malliotakis, and Lawler posts from the same day draw from the same closed lexicon with only district numbers, names, and one or two bespoke details substituted. This is a fill-in-the-blank production apparatus, not spontaneous composition.
Structural indicators reinforce this: clean three-paragraph architecture, no typos, no homophone errors, no dropped prepositions, no mid-post emotional drift, no grievance tangent, no real-time media reaction, no self-referential aside. The single self-reference ("my Complete and Total Endorsement") is formulaic rather than expansive. Timing — 21:38 UTC, 5:38 PM Eastern — falls at the close of business hours, consistent with a batch queue release rather than nocturnal impulsive posting.
The capitalization schema and superlative density are authentically Trumpian in idiom, which is why the score is 0.15 rather than 0.0: the template was derived from his voice and he plausibly approved or lightly dictated the bespoke elements (the state committee chairmanship detail, "with us from the very beginning"). But the generative act here is clerical.
2. Trait-Level Observations (Level 1)
Extraversion presents in its assertive/positive-affect facet rather than its excitement-seeking facet — the post is warm, promotional, high-energy, but procedurally so. Agreeableness is superficially elevated (praise, affiliation, no attack target) but this is instrumental affiliation, not tender-mindedness; note that the sibling posts from the same day (LiPetri, Oberacker) deploy severe devaluation ("Radical Left Lunatic," "Radical Left Extremist"), establishing that the warmth here is a function of the target's utility, not a dispositional shift. Conscientiousness registers unusually high for this subject in the order facet — the systematic district-by-district sweep of a state's delegation is organized political behavior. Neuroticism is essentially absent from the surface text; no angry hostility, no vulnerability. Openness is low: closed vocabulary, zero novel formulation, rigid values recitation.
The absence of neurotic markers is itself notable and should not be read as improvement in affective regulation. It reflects the genre, not the state.
3. Characteristic Adaptations (Level 2)
The dominant motive is power, in its patronage-dispensing form. "Complete and Total Endorsement" is the operative unit — the phrase constructs the endorsement as a discrete, quantifiable, wholly-owned commodity that the subject alone controls and distributes. The intensifier pair ("Complete and Total") is redundant by design; it signals that partial endorsements exist and are being withheld from others, which is where the power resides. The word "my" doing possessive work over the endorsement is the key syntactic tell.
Secondary motive: status conferral as status assertion. Note the vertical vocabulary applied to the endorsee — "powerful Chairman," "very distinguished and respected," "MAGA Warrior." The subject is not merely praising; he is ranking, and the authority to rank is the point. The detail "who has been with us from the very beginning" installs a loyalty-tenure hierarchy: proximity to the subject's origin point is the measure of a political actor's worth.
Communion motives are present but thin and collective rather than dyadic — "us," "our Economy," "our Brave Military." There is no individuated interest in Langworthy as a person; he is characterized entirely by function and fealty.
The world-schema encoded in the policy list is a siege schema. The Second Amendment is "always under siege." The border must be "SECURE." Energy requires "DOMINANCE." Every item is framed as defense of a threatened possession or assertion of contested supremacy. Even in a maximally positive, non-grievance post, the underlying model of reality is one of permanent encirclement. This is the most clinically informative feature of an otherwise routine text: the threat schema is so structural it survives into the boilerplate.
4. Narrative Identity (Level 3)
Protagonist role: kingmaker / sovereign patron. The subject is not a candidate here; he is the source of legitimacy that candidates draw from. The narrative sequence is neutral-to-mildly-redemptive — "prior to becoming" traces an ascent (state chairman → distinguished Congressman), and "from the very beginning" invokes an origin myth in which the movement's founding moment confers permanent standing.
Identity claims are indirect but real: I am the one whose endorsement is complete and total; I am the origin point from which "the very beginning" is measured; my movement is "us." The first-person singular appears once and the collective first-person four times, which is atypical of the subject's baseline and again reflects genre.
Contrasting other: absent from this post specifically, but supplied by the same-day corpus. Read as a set, the day's posts execute a clean splitting operation across the New York delegation — allies receive uniform idealization in identical language, opponents receive uniform devaluation in identical language. The interchangeability of the praise and the interchangeability of the contempt are the same phenomenon: individuals are not perceived as individuals but sorted into two undifferentiated bins.
5. Clinical Indicators
Narcissistic features: present, mild-to-moderate in this instance. Grandiosity operates at low intensity — the self-aggrandizement is embedded in the endorsement structure rather than stated. Entitlement to distribute political legitimacy is assumed rather than argued. There is no exploitation, no overt lack of empathy, no envy in this text.
Antisocial features: minimal. No deceit of consequence; the factual claims are broadly accurate. Paranoid features: low but non-zero — the "always under siege" construction and the general threat-saturation of the policy list reflect a persecutory world-model, though not directed at an identified persecutor here. Sadism: absent.
Narcissistic state: grandiose, low-arousal. No vulnerability markers. No rage. Trigger: maintenance — routine audience and coalition management ahead of the 2026 midterms, not injury-driven.
Defense mechanisms: Idealization is the primary operation, applied wholesale and in template ("fantastic," "very distinguished and respected," "MAGA Warrior," "NEVER LET YOU DOWN"). This is immature-level, and its diagnostic weight comes from its uniformity — genuine appraisal produces differentiated praise; defensive idealization produces interchangeable praise. Splitting is the second mechanism, visible only at the corpus level as described above. The absolute guarantee "HE WILL NEVER LET YOU DOWN" is a minor distortion in the pathological band: no one can warrant another person's future conduct without qualification, and the certainty is manufactured rather than warranted.
6. Cognitive Status
Not assessable from this text. Template-generated language with heavy staff mediation cannot support inferences about the subject's own production capacity in either direction. Syntax is well-formed and complex (the second paragraph carries a long but grammatical seven-item coordinated series). No paraphasias, no neologisms, no temporal confusion, no name confusion — but this is evidence about the drafting process, not the subject's cognition. Deviation from baseline: none detectable. Longitudinal cognitive tracking should exclude this class of post entirely.
One methodological note worth recording: the volume of near-identical posts is itself a behavioral datum. Perseverative-looking repetition at the corpus level here reflects institutional workflow rather than the subject's own perseveration, and analysts should not double-count it.
7. Rhetorical Techniques
Hyperbole and superlative stacking throughout ("fantastic," "powerful," "very distinguished," "Complete and Total"). Strategic capitalization functions as prosodic notation — capitalized items are the ones intended to be heard as shouted, mapping the written form onto rally cadence. Glittering generalities constitute the entire policy content: every plank is an unfalsifiable directional good ("Grow," "Cut," "Secure," "Support," "Defend") with no mechanism, cost, or tradeoff attached. Militarized identity labeling ("MAGA Warrior," "America First Patriot") converts a legislator into a combatant, part of a consistent lexical program that renders ordinary politics as warfare. Appeal to loyalty tenure ("with us from the very beginning") functions as an in-group authenticity credential. The closing absolute guarantee is a certainty appeal.
No dehumanizing language. No violent imagery. No out-group named.
8. Reality Distortion and Danger Assessment
No gaslighting. No denial of documented events. No DARVO. No attacks on others' perception. The factual assertions are substantially accurate.
Epistemic closure is mild and present only in the loyalty-credentialing move — "with us from the very beginning" establishes an in-group boundary and an internal authenticity metric — but the post makes no demand that followers accept a falsehood.
Danger level: none. No target, no eliminationist language, no mobilization call, no stochastic terrorism pattern. The militarized labeling is background lexical drift worth logging longitudinally, not an indicator in itself.
9. Contextual Note
The week preceding this post contained substantial potential narcissistic-injury material: the Epstein victim files disclosure ruling of 2026-08-12, expert pushback on the childhood vaccine executive order, and criticism over the elections national-emergency remarks. This post is entirely non-responsive to all of it. That non-responsiveness is not evidence of equanimity — it is evidence that this output channel is being run separately from the subject's reactive posting. Analysts tracking injury response should expect the reaction, if any, in a differently-shaped post, and should be careful not to read a quiet endorsement queue as an absence of reaction.
10. Summary Judgment
Low clinical significance as an individual artifact. Its value is as a baseline calibration sample: it establishes what the subject's communication looks like when maximally institutionalized and minimally affect-driven, which sharpens the contrast when authentic reactive posts appear. Two features survive the template and are worth carrying forward — the possessive-commodity construction of endorsement power, and the siege schema embedded so deeply in the standard vocabulary that it persists into celebratory boilerplate.
Fact Verification
| Claim | Verdict | Evidence |
|---|---|---|
| "Nick Langworthy is the Congressman representing New York's 23rd Congressional District" | True | Langworthy was elected to represent New York's 23rd Congressional District in 2022 and has held the seat since January 2023. The district covers the Southern Tier and western New York. |
| "Nick Langworthy served as Chairman of the New York Republican State Committee prior to becoming a U.S. Congressman" | True | Langworthy was elected chairman of the New York Republican State Committee in July 2019, following service as Erie County Republican Committee chairman. He held the state chairmanship through his 2022 congressional campaign and into the start of his House tenure before handing it off. |
| "Langworthy 'has been with us from the very beginning' — i.e., was an early Trump supporter" | Mostly True | As Erie County GOP chairman, Langworthy was among the earlier New York Republican officials to align with Trump's 2016 campaign and helped organize Trump's western New York operation. 'From the very beginning' is characteristic hyperbole for a supporter who came aboard during the 2016 primary rather than at the outset, but the directional claim of early alignment is supported. |
| "The Second Amendment is 'always under siege'" | Half True | This is a political characterization rather than a discrete factual assertion, but its underlying factual substrate is checkable, and it resolves as genuinely mixed rather than unverifiable. |
Evidence supporting the claim (ongoing restriction efforts are real and continuous):
- Giffords Law Center's 2025 year-end review reports that 33 states enacted 89 gun-restriction bills in 2025, bringing the total since Sandy Hook (2012) to more than 820. Everytown separately catalogued 17 major 2025 state wins, including Rhode Island's new assault weapons ban and Colorado's permit-to-purchase system.
- Roughly 10 states plus the District of Columbia currently ban firearms their statutes define as 'assault weapons' (California, Connecticut, Hawaii, Maryland, Massachusetts, New Jersey, New York, and others), with additional bans scheduled to take effect July 1, 2026.
- In New York — the state Langworthy represents — Gov. Hochul signed three new firearms laws in April 2025 (banning pistol converters, strengthening dealer warnings and credit-card purchase tracking, and tracking ammunition stockpiling), and the FY27 enacted budget adds first-in-the-nation 3D-printer safety standards aimed at untraceable firearms.
- The Supreme Court denied certiorari in Snope v. Brown on June 2, 2025, leaving Maryland's AR-15 ban in force; only Justices Thomas, Alito, and Gorsuch noted they would have granted review, one short of the four needed.
- The Court also denied certiorari in Antonyuk v. James in April 2025, leaving most of New York's Concealed Carry Improvement Act — including its 'sensitive locations' regime and 'good moral character' requirement — intact after the Second Circuit upheld it in October 2024. The Second Circuit further upheld transit and Times Square carry bans in Frey v. City of New York (Sept. 19, 2025).
- Post-Bruen, a Giffords analysis of more than 450 decisions found courts upheld the challenged gun law in roughly 88% of cases (about 93% in criminal cases).
- Restrictive bills continue to be filed federally, including the Assault Weapons Ban of 2025 (H.R. 3115) in the 119th Congress.
Evidence contradicting the claim (the dominant trajectory is expansion, not siege):
- The past two decades constitute the most sustained expansion of judicially recognized gun rights in modern American history: District of Columbia v. Heller (2008) recognized an individual right; McDonald v. Chicago (2010) incorporated it against the states; NYSRPA v. Bruen (2022) recognized a right to public carry and imposed a history-and-tradition test; Garland v. Cargill (2024) voided the federal bump-stock ban.
- Most directly relevant to timing: the Supreme Court decided Wolford v. Lopez on June 25, 2026 — roughly seven weeks before this post — striking down Hawaii's Act 52 default no-carry rule for private property open to the public, 6-3, in an opinion by Justice Alito joined by Roberts, Thomas, Gorsuch, Kavanaugh, and Barrett.
- Permitless ('constitutional') carry expanded from a single state (Vermont) in the early 2000s to 29 states as of January 2026, covering about 46.8% of the U.S. population and 67.7% of its land area, per a Crime Prevention Research Center report circulated by NRA-ILA. Concealed-carry permit holders grew from 2.7 million in 1999 to a peak of about 22 million in 2022 (about 20.9 million in 2024, with the decline attributable to states dropping permit requirements entirely).
- The federal assault weapons ban expired in 2004 and has never been renewed. No federal gun-control statute has been enacted since the Bipartisan Safer Communities Act of 2022.
- Gallup's 65-year trend shows support for a handgun-possession ban at a near-record-low 20%, down from a 1959 high near 60%; support for stricter firearm sale laws stands at 56%, well below the 78% peak in 1990.
- At the moment of this post, the speaker's own party controlled the White House, both chambers of Congress, and a 6-3 Supreme Court majority repeatedly ruling for gun-rights claimants. Trump signed the executive order 'Protecting Second Amendment Rights' on Feb. 7, 2025, directing the Attorney General to identify and eliminate federal infringements within 30 days; AG Pam Bondi created a Second Amendment Enforcement Task Force in April 2025; ATF replaced its 2021 'zero tolerance' dealer-licensing policy in May 2025; and DOJ/ATF subsequently issued a package of roughly 34 final and proposed rules rolling back prior firearms regulations.
Assessment of the framing itself:
Fact-checkers have repeatedly rated stronger versions of this narrative as false or deceptive. FactCheck.org's 2019 analysis 'Deceptive Second Amendment Ads' found Trump campaign ads claiming Democrats 'admitted what they truly want: a repeal of the Second Amendment' to be misleading, cherry-picking a handful of state legislators while no congressional Democrats or presidential candidates supported repeal. PolitiFact rated a 'nationwide gun confiscation' claim False, and Snopes found a Colorado red-flag bill did not 'strip away' Second Amendment rights.
Context on the phrase: 'always under siege Second Amendment' is verbatim boilerplate appearing across dozens of Trump endorsement posts over multiple years and in states with radically divergent firearms regimes — including endorsements of Michael Alfonso, Hung Cao, Wilton Simpson, and Byron Donalds. NPR's June 2026 analysis of Trump's 'Complete and Total Endorsement' formula documents that the language is largely invariant across races. The phrase therefore functions as a fixed slogan rather than a time-indexed assessment of legal conditions, which is why it appears unchanged in a period when federal policy, the Supreme Court's docket, and 29 states' carry laws were all moving in the gun-rights direction.
Verdict rationale: 'half true' rather than 'mostly false' because the claim is not fabricated — a continuous stream of new firearm restrictions is documented at the state level, especially in New York and other high-regulation states, and the Supreme Court has declined to disturb assault weapons bans. But 'always' is an absolute that the record contradicts: on the two measures most relevant to constitutional status — Supreme Court doctrine and the number of Americans free to carry without a permit — the Second Amendment is at or near its modern high-water mark, and was being actively expanded by the federal government at the time of the post. |
Overall Veracity: 83%
Post from Truth Social
Congressman Nick Langworthy is an America First Patriot, who is doing a fantastic job representing New York’s 23rd Congressional District!
Nick served as the powerful Chairman of the New York Republican State Committee, prior to becoming a very distinguished and respected U.S. Congressman. A MAGA Warrior, who has been with us from the very beginning, Nick is working hard to Grow our Economy, Cut Taxes and Regulations, Promote MADE IN THE U.S.A., Advance American Energy DOMINANCE, Keep our Border SECURE, Support our Brave Military/Veterans, and Defend our always under siege Second Amendment.
Nick Langworthy has my Complete and Total Endorsement for Re-Election — HE WILL NEVER LET YOU DOWN!