AI Analysis
Machine-generated analysis of the post above on 2026-08-12. Not written by the author of the post.
- Fifth in a same-day batch of near-identical endorsement posts (Emmer, Fischbach, Stauber, Wied, Alfonso, Finstad) — mail-merge template with slot-filled biography
- Verbatim reused policy string across sibling posts: 'Grow our Economy, Cut Taxes and Regulations, Promote MADE IN THE U.S.A., Unleash American Energy DOMINANCE'
- Zero structural disorganization: no typos, homophone errors, dropped prepositions, self-interruption, or mid-post grievance drift
- Policy precision inconsistent with principal's idiolect: named committee assignment ('House Agriculture Committee'), generational specificity ('Fourth Generation'), exact election date
- Operational payload — GOTV logistics and swampthevoteusa.com voter-location link — characteristic of digital operations staff
Strongest facet: assertiveness (Extraversion)
Primary drive: power
Trigger: Maintenance (Minnesota state primary election scheduled for August 11, 2026; batched pre-election endorsement release)
Finstad won the August 2022 special election for MN-01 following Rep. Jim Hagedorn's death and has held the seat since, winning subsequent general elections. He is the sitting representative for the district.
Finstad is from a New Ulm, Minnesota farm family and has consistently described himself as a multi-generation farmer; the specific 'fourth generation' formulation matches his own standard biography. It is a self-reported genealogical claim, accurate as far as his public record goes.
Finstad has served on the House Committee on Agriculture since entering Congress, a natural assignment for a rural southern Minnesota district; agriculture policy is his primary legislative portfolio.
Minnesota statute sets the state primary for the second Tuesday in August in even-numbered years. In 2026 that date is August 11, which falls on a Tuesday. The post was published the evening before.
This is primarily an evaluative/rhetorical characterization, but deep research surfaced substantial empirical evidence on both sides, allowing a mixed verdict rather than 'unverifiable.'
Evidence supporting the 'under siege' framing: Giffords Law Center's 2025 Year-End Trendwatch documents that 33 states passed 89 gun safety bills in 2025, bringing the post-Sandy Hook total to more than 820 significant gun safety laws since 2012 — demonstrating continuous, organized legislative pressure to restrict firearms. Analysis by Jake Charles at the Duke Center for Firearms Law found courts have upheld challenged gun laws in roughly 88 percent of Second Amendment cases decided since Bruen (2022), so most restrictions survive judicial review. On June 2, 2025, the Supreme Court denied certiorari in Snope v. Brown, leaving intact the en banc Fourth Circuit ruling upholding Maryland's ban on AR-15s and similar semiautomatic rifles; only Justices Thomas, Alito, and Gorsuch noted they would have granted review, one short of the four needed. Roughly ten states maintain assault-weapons bans, and well-funded gun-control organizations remain continuously active.
Evidence contradicting the absolute 'always' framing: By most objective measures the Second Amendment is at or near its strongest legal position in modern American history. Heller (2008), McDonald (2010), and Bruen (2022) progressively expanded the right; the Brennan Center characterizes the Court as having 'dramatically expanded the scope of the Second Amendment.' Permitless/constitutional carry now covers 29 states (58 percent of states), up sharply from a handful in 2010, with 16 states adopting it between 2021 and 2024. In February 2025 President Trump signed Executive Order 14206, 'Protecting Second Amendment Rights,' creating a Second Amendment Enforcement Task Force. DOJ and ATF subsequently announced 34 regulatory changes described in reporting as the most comprehensive rollback in ATF history: the Biden-era pistol-brace rule was formally rescinded, the 'zero tolerance' dealer-licensing policy was repealed, and the 'engaged in the business' background-check rule was defeated. H.R. 1 (the One Big Beautiful Bill Act, July 2025) incorporated Section 2 of the Hearing Protection Act concept by reducing the National Firearms Act transfer/making tax on suppressors, short-barreled rifles and shotguns, and 'any other weapons' from $200 to $0, effective January 1, 2026 — which NRA-ILA's 2025 Grassroots Year in Review called the first major federal legislative victory for gun owners in years. In the 2025-26 term the Supreme Court ruled for gun owners twice: Wolford v. Lopez (June 25, 2026, 6-3, Alito writing) struck down Hawaii's default rule barring carry on public-facing private property absent express owner consent; and United States v. Hemani (June 2026, Gorsuch writing) held the federal ban on firearm possession by unlawful drug users could not constitutionally be applied to Hemani based solely on regular marijuana use. No new federal gun restrictions have been enacted, and Republicans control the White House and both chambers.
Most tellingly, the Heritage Foundation — an organization sympathetic to the claim's premise — states in its own 'Major Threats to the Second Amendment' analysis that the Second Amendment 'in some ways may be on safer footing today than it has been for several decades,' noting the majority of states are moving toward less restrictive public-carry policies.
Assessment: the underlying premise — that there is continuous, organized effort to restrict firearm rights, and that many jurisdictions do restrict them — is documented and real. But the absolute quantifier 'always,' and the implication that the right is presently imperiled or in retreat, is contradicted by the 2025-26 record, in which federal policy, federal regulation, and Supreme Court jurisprudence all moved decisively toward expanding gun rights. Half true.
Although 'working tirelessly' is unfalsifiable puffery, the substantive component — that Finstad has an active, documented legislative record aligned with each named agenda item — is verifiable and well supported. Each item maps to a specific roll call vote, cosponsorship, sponsored bill, or committee assignment.
Cut taxes / grow the economy: Finstad voted yes on H.R. 1, the One Big Beautiful Bill Act, at House passage on May 22, 2025, and again on final passage July 3, 2025, issuing press releases on both. The bill made the expiring 2017 tax cuts permanent. The Rochester Post Bulletin's year-in-review called this 'no action was more consequential' than his OBBBA vote.
Safeguard elections: Finstad was a cosponsor of and voted for H.R. 22, the SAVE Act, which passed the House 220-208 on April 10, 2025 (Roll Call 102); Republicans voted 216-0 in favor. He had also voted for the 2024 version, stating he voted to 'secure our elections and protect their rights as citizens to vote.'
Border security / stop migrant crime: Finstad was a cosponsor of H.R. 29, the Laken Riley Act — the first bill of the 119th Congress, signed into law in January 2025 — and joined Reps. Emmer, Stauber, and Fischbach in a January 2026 statement marking its one-year anniversary.
Energy dominance: He voted for H.R. 1949, the Unlocking Our Domestic LNG Potential Act of 2025 (November 2025), and cited OBBBA's energy provisions.
Military/veterans: He sits on the House Armed Services Committee (Subcommittees on Tactical Air and Land Forces, and Cyber, Information Technologies and Innovation). He sponsored H.R. 9055, the Veteran Burial Benefit Correction Act, and cosponsored the Sgt. Ketchum Rural Veterans Mental Health Act.
Cut regulations: He sits on the Small Business Subcommittee on Oversight, Investigations, and Regulations, and sponsored H.R. 8881, the SBA Artificial Intelligence Utilization Act of 2026, which passed the House by voice vote June 23, 2026.
Second Amendment: He holds an 'A' rating and endorsement from the NRA.
Agriculture: He chairs the Agriculture Subcommittee on Nutrition and Foreign Agriculture, authored a bill extending H-2A visas to year-round livestock and dairy labor, and backed the Farm, Food, and National Security Act of 2026 (H.R. 7567), which passed the House 224-200 on April 30, 2026.
Effort metrics: GovTrack and Legisletter records show Finstad missed 18 of 2,018 roll call votes from August 2022 through July 2026 — 0.9 percent, better than the 2.0 percent median for sitting representatives. He has sponsored 64-65 bills as primary sponsor, and GovTrack's 2024 report card found he introduced the most bills in the Minnesota delegation during the 118th Congress. His office states he held over 85 meetings in Washington and in-district since January 2025 and responded to more than 40,000 emails.
Countervailing evidence: On the constituent-engagement dimension, the record cuts against the 'tirelessly' framing. Finstad has held no in-person town halls since his 2022 election, opting instead for four telephone town halls in 2025 (Feb. 27, March 26, April 30, June 25). He declined to attend constituent-organized town halls in Faribault (March 18) and Owatonna, each drawing roughly 300 people, with organizers declaring him 'missing.' The Mankato Free Press editorialized that 'Finstad falls short of duty on town halls' and the Post Bulletin that he 'owes his constituents some real face time.' Protesters repeatedly gathered outside his Rochester office and disrupted a chamber of commerce speech. Additionally, most of his sponsored bills have not been enacted into law — ordinary for a rank-and-file member, but relevant to effectiveness claims.
One further caveat: this exact policy paragraph is boilerplate reused verbatim across multiple same-day endorsement posts for different candidates, so it does not reflect an individualized assessment of Finstad specifically. Nonetheless, the checkable substance of the claim holds up against his actual record. Mostly true.
No contradictions with other posts detected yet.
He posted 21 times, and 17 of those landed in a single nine-minute burst the night before Tuesday's primaries — a run of nearly identical endorsements for candidates in Wisconsin, Minnesota, Alabama and South Carolina, almost certainly written by staff in his house style. Only two posts read as his ...
Analysis: Truth Social Endorsement Post — Rep. Brad Finstad (MN-01)
1. Authorship Attribution
Assessment: Aide-drafted / staff-produced template, issued under the principal's name (score 0.15, confidence high).
This post is the fifth in a same-day sequence of near-identical Upper Midwest endorsement notices (Emmer MN-06, Fischbach MN-07, Stauber MN-08, Wied WI-08, Alfonso WI-07, Finstad MN-01). The structural evidence is decisive:
- Verbatim modular boilerplate. The middle paragraph is a reusable policy string — "Grow our Economy, Cut Taxes and Regulations, Promote MADE IN THE U.S.A., Unleash American Energy DOMINANCE... Keep our Border SECURE, Stop Migrant Crime, Strengthen our Military/Veterans" — appearing with only minor reordering in at least four sibling posts. This is a mail-merge field, not spontaneous ideation.
- Slot-filled biography. "A Fourth Generation Family Farmer, and Member of the House Agriculture Committee" occupies the same syntactic slot as "A Former Police Officer and Professional Hockey Player" (Stauber) and "A Proven Leader... President of the Minnesota Senate" (Fischbach). The specificity of committee assignment and generational count is policy precision — an aide indicator.
- Zero disorganization. No typos, no homophone errors, no dropped prepositions, no mid-post grievance drift, no self-referential aside. Notably, the sibling Emmer post retained the artifact "Keep our now Border SECURE" — a fossilized fragment suggesting the template is edited rather than rewritten. This post is clean.
- Operational content. A logistics payload (Election Day date, voter-location URL to swampthevoteusa.com, the campaign's turnout infrastructure) is characteristic of digital-operations staff, not of the principal.
- Timing. 23:06 UTC = 7:06 PM ET / 6:06 PM CT — end of business day, batched release ahead of the August 11 Minnesota primary. Consistent with a queued staff drop rather than late-night reactive posting.
Residual principal markers are limited to the idiolect the template encodes: capitalized honorific nouns ("Farmers and Ranchers," "Movement"), the fixed formula "Complete and Total Endorsement," and the closing all-caps imperative. These are stylistic inheritances — an aide successfully imitating a well-documented voice — not evidence of authorship. The em-dash before "HE WILL NEVER LET YOU DOWN!" is typographically deliberate; Trump's authentic all-caps eruptions typically arrive without such punctuation staging.
2. Multi-Level Personality Reading
Level 1 — Dispositional traits. Diagnostic value is low, because the text is a corporate product. What the template design encodes: high extraversion (assertiveness, superlative positive affect — "fantastic," "amazing," "tirelessly"), low openness (rigid, invariant value list applied without adaptation to candidate or district), and near-zero neuroticism signal. Agreeableness is superficially elevated (praise-giving) but the praise is transactional and non-individuated — the modesty facet is absent, since the endorsement's operative currency is the endorser's own conferring power.
Level 2 — Characteristic adaptations. The dominant motive is power expressed as patronage. The functional payload is not "Finstad is good" but "my approval is the qualifying credential." "Complete and Total Endorsement" is a proprietary phrase asserting that endorsement comes in grades and that the grantor controls the scale. The schema of others is instrumental: candidates are enumerated by loyalty-relevant attributes, and their worth is realized through alignment with "our" agenda. Communion language is present but collectivized ("our amazing Farmers," "the incredible people") rather than interpersonal.
Level 3 — Narrative identity. The protagonist role here is kingmaker/patron rather than fighter or victim — a comparatively regulated, grandiose-stable position. The embedded narrative is defensive-restorative: institutions and rights are "always under siege," requiring vigilant champions. The contrasting other is unnamed and diffuse — the besiegers of the Second Amendment, the sources of "Migrant Crime," the forces requiring the border to be kept "SECURE." This diffuseness is rhetorically efficient: it lets each reader supply their own antagonist.
Level 4 — Clinical indicators. Minimal. No narcissistic injury, no rage, no paranoid ideation directed at a specific person, no sadism, no reality-distortion beyond routine political hyperbole. The grandiosity present is structural rather than acute — encoded in the template's premise that a single figure's blessing is dispositive — and is therefore weak evidence about the subject's current state. Defense mechanisms are limited to mild idealization (the candidate as flawless: "HE WILL NEVER LET YOU DOWN") and low-grade splitting implied by the besieged-rights frame.
3. Psychological State and Triggers
Trigger type: maintenance. No injury, no supply-seeking beyond the ambient supply that endorsement-granting provides. This is calendar-driven behavior: Minnesota's state primary fell on August 11, 2026, and the batch was released the evening prior.
Two contextual observations worth logging longitudinally:
- The endorsement batch appears during a week containing a genuine narcissistic stressor — the Blanche attorney-general nomination stalling on Republican defections (Collins opposed; Cornyn publicly accused of obstruction). The subject's posting stream on August 10 shows no spillover of that grievance into these posts. Either the staff channel is well-firewalled from the principal's affective state, or the principal's grievance output is being routed elsewhere. The former is more parsimonious given the authorship evidence.
- The helipad episode (August 4 — ordering a completed $5M granite presidential seal partially dismantled over a horizon-alignment complaint) is a far richer behavioral datum than this post: perfectionistic control over symbolic self-representation, indifference to sunk cost borne by others. That event, not this text, is where this week's clinically interesting signal lies.
4. Rhetorical Techniques
- Superlative saturation: "fantastic," "amazing," "strong and effective," "tirelessly," "Complete and Total."
- Orthographic emphasis as prosody: selective capitalization (MADE IN THE U.S.A., DOMINANCE, SECURE) functions as printed shouting, simulating rally cadence in text.
- Nominal capitalization of abstractions ("Farmers," "Movement," "Economy") — a quasi-heraldic register that elevates category nouns to proper-noun status.
- Appeal to fear, low intensity: "Migrant Crime," "always under siege Second Amendment." These are threat-frames embedded as background assumptions rather than argued claims — presuppositional propaganda, which is harder to contest than assertion.
- Identity-credentialing: "Fourth Generation Family Farmer" performs in-group authenticity for an agricultural district.
- Mobilization close: explicit imperative plus operational link. This is standard, legitimate GOTV activity.
Dehumanizing language: none. "Migrant Crime" is a category-crime coinage that stigmatizes by association but stops short of the vermin/infestation register documented elsewhere in this corpus. Violent imagery: none. "Under siege" is metaphorical and defensive.
5. Danger Assessment
Level: none. The only call to action is voting, with a link to a voter-location tool. No target identification, no eliminationist framing, no implied extrajudicial action. This is ordinary electioneering.
6. Reality Distortion / Gaslighting
None detected. The factual claims are accurate or trivially verifiable. The "Safeguard our Elections" plank carries latent election-integrity connotation given the corpus context, but as written it is a policy phrase, not a fraud assertion.
7. Cognitive Status
Not assessable. Templated staff prose provides no valid window into the subject's language production. Syntactic complexity, coherence, and lexical choice here reflect the drafter, not the principal. This post should be excluded from the longitudinal cognitive series — including it would artificially inflate measured coherence. Flagging this exclusion matters: as endorsement season increases the proportion of staff-drafted output, a naive corpus-wide complexity trend will show spurious improvement.
8. Confidence and Limitations
Authorship attribution: high confidence (aide), driven by cross-post template identity within the same day. Psychological inferences: low confidence as to current state, moderate confidence as to the stable self-concept the template institutionalizes — namely that endorsement is a personal grant of legitimacy, and that the grantor's approval is the operative variable in a congressional race. That premise, repeated six times in one evening, is itself the most psychologically informative feature of the batch.
Fact Verification
| Claim | Verdict | Evidence |
|---|---|---|
| "Brad Finstad is the Congressman representing Minnesota's 1st Congressional District." | True | Finstad won the August 2022 special election for MN-01 following Rep. Jim Hagedorn's death and has held the seat since, winning subsequent general elections. He is the sitting representative for the district. |
| "Brad Finstad is a fourth-generation family farmer." | Mostly True | Finstad is from a New Ulm, Minnesota farm family and has consistently described himself as a multi-generation farmer; the specific 'fourth generation' formulation matches his own standard biography. It is a self-reported genealogical claim, accurate as far as his public record goes. |
| "Brad Finstad is a member of the House Agriculture Committee." | True | Finstad has served on the House Committee on Agriculture since entering Congress, a natural assignment for a rural southern Minnesota district; agriculture policy is his primary legislative portfolio. |
| "Election Day is Tuesday, August 11th." | True | Minnesota statute sets the state primary for the second Tuesday in August in even-numbered years. In 2026 that date is August 11, which falls on a Tuesday. The post was published the evening before. |
| "The Second Amendment is 'always under siege.'" | Half True | This is primarily an evaluative/rhetorical characterization, but deep research surfaced substantial empirical evidence on both sides, allowing a mixed verdict rather than 'unverifiable.' |
Evidence supporting the 'under siege' framing: Giffords Law Center's 2025 Year-End Trendwatch documents that 33 states passed 89 gun safety bills in 2025, bringing the post-Sandy Hook total to more than 820 significant gun safety laws since 2012 — demonstrating continuous, organized legislative pressure to restrict firearms. Analysis by Jake Charles at the Duke Center for Firearms Law found courts have upheld challenged gun laws in roughly 88 percent of Second Amendment cases decided since Bruen (2022), so most restrictions survive judicial review. On June 2, 2025, the Supreme Court denied certiorari in Snope v. Brown, leaving intact the en banc Fourth Circuit ruling upholding Maryland's ban on AR-15s and similar semiautomatic rifles; only Justices Thomas, Alito, and Gorsuch noted they would have granted review, one short of the four needed. Roughly ten states maintain assault-weapons bans, and well-funded gun-control organizations remain continuously active.
Evidence contradicting the absolute 'always' framing: By most objective measures the Second Amendment is at or near its strongest legal position in modern American history. Heller (2008), McDonald (2010), and Bruen (2022) progressively expanded the right; the Brennan Center characterizes the Court as having 'dramatically expanded the scope of the Second Amendment.' Permitless/constitutional carry now covers 29 states (58 percent of states), up sharply from a handful in 2010, with 16 states adopting it between 2021 and 2024. In February 2025 President Trump signed Executive Order 14206, 'Protecting Second Amendment Rights,' creating a Second Amendment Enforcement Task Force. DOJ and ATF subsequently announced 34 regulatory changes described in reporting as the most comprehensive rollback in ATF history: the Biden-era pistol-brace rule was formally rescinded, the 'zero tolerance' dealer-licensing policy was repealed, and the 'engaged in the business' background-check rule was defeated. H.R. 1 (the One Big Beautiful Bill Act, July 2025) incorporated Section 2 of the Hearing Protection Act concept by reducing the National Firearms Act transfer/making tax on suppressors, short-barreled rifles and shotguns, and 'any other weapons' from $200 to $0, effective January 1, 2026 — which NRA-ILA's 2025 Grassroots Year in Review called the first major federal legislative victory for gun owners in years. In the 2025-26 term the Supreme Court ruled for gun owners twice: Wolford v. Lopez (June 25, 2026, 6-3, Alito writing) struck down Hawaii's default rule barring carry on public-facing private property absent express owner consent; and United States v. Hemani (June 2026, Gorsuch writing) held the federal ban on firearm possession by unlawful drug users could not constitutionally be applied to Hemani based solely on regular marijuana use. No new federal gun restrictions have been enacted, and Republicans control the White House and both chambers.
Most tellingly, the Heritage Foundation — an organization sympathetic to the claim's premise — states in its own 'Major Threats to the Second Amendment' analysis that the Second Amendment 'in some ways may be on safer footing today than it has been for several decades,' noting the majority of states are moving toward less restrictive public-carry policies.
Assessment: the underlying premise — that there is continuous, organized effort to restrict firearm rights, and that many jurisdictions do restrict them — is documented and real. But the absolute quantifier 'always,' and the implication that the right is presently imperiled or in retreat, is contradicted by the 2025-26 record, in which federal policy, federal regulation, and Supreme Court jurisprudence all moved decisively toward expanding gun rights. Half true. | | "Finstad is 'working tirelessly' to Grow the Economy, Cut Taxes and Regulations, Safeguard Elections, Keep the Border Secure, Stop Migrant Crime, and related agenda items." | Mostly True | Although 'working tirelessly' is unfalsifiable puffery, the substantive component — that Finstad has an active, documented legislative record aligned with each named agenda item — is verifiable and well supported. Each item maps to a specific roll call vote, cosponsorship, sponsored bill, or committee assignment.
Cut taxes / grow the economy: Finstad voted yes on H.R. 1, the One Big Beautiful Bill Act, at House passage on May 22, 2025, and again on final passage July 3, 2025, issuing press releases on both. The bill made the expiring 2017 tax cuts permanent. The Rochester Post Bulletin's year-in-review called this 'no action was more consequential' than his OBBBA vote.
Safeguard elections: Finstad was a cosponsor of and voted for H.R. 22, the SAVE Act, which passed the House 220-208 on April 10, 2025 (Roll Call 102); Republicans voted 216-0 in favor. He had also voted for the 2024 version, stating he voted to 'secure our elections and protect their rights as citizens to vote.'
Border security / stop migrant crime: Finstad was a cosponsor of H.R. 29, the Laken Riley Act — the first bill of the 119th Congress, signed into law in January 2025 — and joined Reps. Emmer, Stauber, and Fischbach in a January 2026 statement marking its one-year anniversary.
Energy dominance: He voted for H.R. 1949, the Unlocking Our Domestic LNG Potential Act of 2025 (November 2025), and cited OBBBA's energy provisions.
Military/veterans: He sits on the House Armed Services Committee (Subcommittees on Tactical Air and Land Forces, and Cyber, Information Technologies and Innovation). He sponsored H.R. 9055, the Veteran Burial Benefit Correction Act, and cosponsored the Sgt. Ketchum Rural Veterans Mental Health Act.
Cut regulations: He sits on the Small Business Subcommittee on Oversight, Investigations, and Regulations, and sponsored H.R. 8881, the SBA Artificial Intelligence Utilization Act of 2026, which passed the House by voice vote June 23, 2026.
Second Amendment: He holds an 'A' rating and endorsement from the NRA.
Agriculture: He chairs the Agriculture Subcommittee on Nutrition and Foreign Agriculture, authored a bill extending H-2A visas to year-round livestock and dairy labor, and backed the Farm, Food, and National Security Act of 2026 (H.R. 7567), which passed the House 224-200 on April 30, 2026.
Effort metrics: GovTrack and Legisletter records show Finstad missed 18 of 2,018 roll call votes from August 2022 through July 2026 — 0.9 percent, better than the 2.0 percent median for sitting representatives. He has sponsored 64-65 bills as primary sponsor, and GovTrack's 2024 report card found he introduced the most bills in the Minnesota delegation during the 118th Congress. His office states he held over 85 meetings in Washington and in-district since January 2025 and responded to more than 40,000 emails.
Countervailing evidence: On the constituent-engagement dimension, the record cuts against the 'tirelessly' framing. Finstad has held no in-person town halls since his 2022 election, opting instead for four telephone town halls in 2025 (Feb. 27, March 26, April 30, June 25). He declined to attend constituent-organized town halls in Faribault (March 18) and Owatonna, each drawing roughly 300 people, with organizers declaring him 'missing.' The Mankato Free Press editorialized that 'Finstad falls short of duty on town halls' and the Post Bulletin that he 'owes his constituents some real face time.' Protesters repeatedly gathered outside his Rochester office and disrupted a chamber of commerce speech. Additionally, most of his sponsored bills have not been enacted into law — ordinary for a rank-and-file member, but relevant to effectiveness claims.
One further caveat: this exact policy paragraph is boilerplate reused verbatim across multiple same-day endorsement posts for different candidates, so it does not reflect an individualized assessment of Finstad specifically. Nonetheless, the checkable substance of the claim holds up against his actual record. Mostly true. |
Overall Veracity: 85%
Post from Truth Social
Congressman Brad Finstad is a fantastic Representative of Minnesota’s 1st Congressional District!
A Fourth Generation Family Farmer, and Member of the House Agriculture Committee, Brad is a strong and effective voice for our amazing Farmers and Ranchers. In Congress, Brad is working tirelessly to Grow our Economy, Cut Taxes and Regulations, Promote MADE IN THE U.S.A., Unleash American Energy DOMINANCE, Safeguard our Elections, Keep our Border SECURE, Stop Migrant Crime, Strengthen our Military/Veterans, and Protect our always under siege Second Amendment.
Brad Finstad has my Complete and Total Endorsement for Re-Election. Election Day is Tuesday, August 11th. GET OUT AND VOTE FOR BRAD — HE WILL NEVER LET YOU DOWN!
Find your Voting Location here: https://swampthevoteusa.com/minnesota/