# Post ts_117336880365536098

- Post ID: `ts_117336880365536098`
- Platform: Truth Social
- Posted: 2026-09-26T10:31:46.749Z (UTC)
- Deleted: no
- Repost: no
- Canonical URL: https://trump.fm/post/ts_117336880365536098
- Analysis page: https://trump.fm/post/ts_117336880365536098/analysis
- Audio narration: https://static.trump.fm/audio/ts_117336880365536098.mp3 (a synthesized voice reading the post text, not a recording)

## Post text

> Agent in Jack Smith case says he was kept in dark that subpoenaed phone data belonged to Congress: https://justthenews.com/accountability/political-ethics/agent-jack-smith-case-says-he-was-kept-dark-subpoenaed-phone-data

## Engagement

- Likes: 7,904
- Reposts: 2,184
- Replies: 328
- Views: unknown
- Metrics collected: 2026-10-03T10:02:22.030Z (UTC)

# Analysis

_Machine-generated by trump.fm on 2026-09-26T12:25:08.025Z (UTC): a model's reading of this post, not his words. Its psychological terms describe the language, not a clinical assessment of him._

## Summary

A copied headline and a link at 6:31 AM Eastern, the sixth Just the News share of the morning: "Agent in Jack Smith case says he was kept in dark that subpoenaed phone data belonged to Congress." He adds not one word of his own, which rules out reading this as commentary: the selection is the entire act. Retired DOJ inspector general agent Brian Burnett testified "I would've subpoenaed the number, but I did not know who the phone number belonged to," about records belonging to Jim Jordan, Kevin McCarthy and a dozen other members.

"Jack Smith case" identifies the investigation by its prosecutor, so devaluation is accomplished by word order without an attack being made. And "belonged to Congress" enlarges the injured party from him to the institution — a post entirely about his own prosecution in which his name never occurs.

The paranoid theme has documentary support: the collection happened, the transcripts are real. The attention is one-directional. Omitted from the same release is a supervisor refusing a search warrant on Rep. Scott Perry's phone: "absolutely not. We were not going to do that."

Affect is flat and the grievance runs through courts and committees, nothing approaching mobilization. The clinically interesting feature is temporal: the archive of injury is still maintained from inside the presidency, years after the threat it describes was neutralized. Counting these against forward-looking policy posts would test whether that is intensifying.

## A headline, a link, and nothing added

The post is the article's own headline followed by its URL — "Agent in Jack Smith case says he was kept in dark that subpoenaed phone data belonged to Congress" — and nothing of his own around it. That one absence decides the reading: with no sentence of his to interpret, the act available for analysis is the choice of article. It arrived at 10:31 UTC, 6:31 AM Eastern, and it is the sixth Just the News link in the same morning run. The five siblings cover local DAs "shielding" noncitizens, four aliens charged with election fraud, a SCOTUS win on citizenship verification, a White House press-pool grievance, and his own UN speech. One of them carries the only added words in the batch: "Fantastic news for America!"

That distribution is the finding. Six items, one outlet, one thesis: institutions were corrupted against him and are now being corrected. He does not need to assert persecution when the curation asserts it for him.

## Whose name the headline carries

The retired DOJ inspector general agent quoted in the piece is Brian Burnett; the investigation was Arctic Frost; the records belonged to Jim Jordan, Kevin McCarthy and a dozen-plus other members. None of those names appear in what he posted, because the headline he chose leads with a different one. "Jack Smith case" is the load-bearing phrase — the probe is identified by its prosecutor rather than its subject or its charges, which puts the prosecutor in the position of the accused. That is devaluation performed by word order, at zero rhetorical cost to him.

The second move is subtler. The article's actual substance is an agent saying he did not know whose phone numbers he was subpoenaing — a claim about compartmentalization inside a prosecution team. Amplified without comment, it reads as proof that the prosecution was a rogue operation against Congress itself. The grievance is transferred from him to the legislative branch, which broadens the injured party from one man to an institution. He is not in the sentence anywhere, and the sentence is entirely about him.

## What the underlying claim rests on

This is not fabrication. The congressional records collection is documented: Senate Judiciary released material on toll records for Republican senators, and House Judiciary put out six interview transcripts on September 23 containing Burnett's "I would've subpoenaed the number, but I did not know who the phone number belonged to." The suspiciousness on display has an evidentiary floor under it, which matters for how the paranoid-feature reading should be weighted — the preoccupation with being surveilled is directed at something that actually happened. What is absent is any reciprocal interest in why the records were sought, or in the finding buried in the same transcripts that an IG supervisor refused a search warrant on Scott Perry's phone. The selection keeps the scandal one-directional.

## Register and production

There is nothing here in his own syntax — the words are the outlet's, copied clean. A pasted headline yields no sample of his word retrieval or sentence construction, so the complexity figure below describes the article's prose and should not be read against his baseline. The one observation the batch does support is behavioral: rapid sequential sharing from a single source at dawn, which is his long-established Truth Social habit rather than a departure from it.

No one is asked to do anything. The grievance is routed entirely into a court-and-committee frame — subpoenas, transcripts, a committee release — so the remedy it implies is procedural, and the missing addressee rules out the mobilization pattern that makes enemy-naming posts dangerous.

## Longitudinal note

The useful comparison would be the density of retrospective-vindication links over the preceding weeks against the density of forward-looking policy posts. Relitigating a 2023 investigation from inside the presidency is the pattern worth counting: the grievance archive is being maintained after the threat it describes has been neutralized, which suggests the grievance serves a function independent of the danger it originally answered.

## Fact Verification

| Claim | Verdict | Evidence |
|-------|---------|----------|
| "An agent in the Jack Smith investigation said he was kept in the dark that the phone data he subpoenaed belonged to members of Congress." | **True** | The linked article reports testimony from retired Justice Department Inspector General special agent Brian Burnett, in one of six interview transcripts released by the House Judiciary Committee on September 23, 2026. Burnett is quoted: "I would've subpoenaed the number, but I did not know who the phone number belonged to, who the actual subscriber was," and says he learned only after retiring in late 2024 that he had collected congressional phone data. The headline accurately reports what the transcript contains. Whether Burnett's stated ignorance was genuine is a separate question the transcripts do not settle. |
| "Jack Smith's investigation obtained phone records belonging to Republican members of Congress." | **True** | The records collection under the Arctic Frost probe is documented. Senate Judiciary material previously showed toll records obtained for Republican senators, and the September 2026 House Judiciary transcripts describe long-distance toll records for Rep. Jim Jordan and former Speaker Kevin McCarthy, text message records touching 44 lawmakers, and phone records for more than a dozen members overall. |
| "Implied: the collection of congressional phone records was an unauthorized or rogue act by the special counsel's team." | **Mostly False** | Deep research contradicts the "unauthorized or rogue" implication at nearly every layer, including in documents released by the claim's own proponents. What the record establishes:

Legal instrument. The records were obtained by grand jury subpoena for toll metadata (numbers dialed, time, duration), not by wiretap or warrantless surveillance. Jack Smith's counsel Lanny Breuer and Peter Koski told Sen. Grassley the collection was "entirely lawful, proper and consistent with established Department of Justice policy," noting "toll records merely contain telephonic routing information... and do not include the content of calls." The Senate toll collection at issue covered four days, Jan. 4-7, 2021. MSNBC's legal analysis and a former Capitol-riot prosecutor both describe toll-record subpoenas as "a routine and lawful investigative step."

Judicial authorization. Nondisclosure orders accompanying the subpoenas were signed by federal judges, including Chief Judge Beryl Howell, Chief Judge James Boasberg and Magistrate Judge James Mazzone. Rep. Scott Perry's phone was seized under a warrant approved by Federal Magistrate Judge Susan E. Schwab (M.D. Pa.) on Aug. 9, 2022, and a second warrant to search its contents was approved by the D.C. district court on a probable-cause finding.

Internal DOJ authorization. Justice Manual 9-85.110 requires Public Integrity Section (PIN) consultation before investigative steps touching a member of Congress. PIN approved. Documents released Sept. 2026 show PIN Deputy Chief Jennifer Clarke responded to a guidance request on subpoenaing Rep. Jim Jordan's records on April 26, 2022, acknowledged Speech-or-Debate "litigation risk," and recommended approval on the reasoning that members were not targets (Trump was). PIN directed prosecutors to notify the Deputy Attorney General's office by "urgent report." A Jan. 13, 2023 briefing document shows Smith informed AG Merrick Garland of plans to issue congressional toll-record subpoenas. Smith personally approved the subpoenas. The case opening itself was approved by Garland, then-DAG Lisa Monaco and then-FBI Director Christopher Wray.

The hostile source agrees. The House Judiciary Committee's Sept. 2026 report — the most adversarial authoritative document — frames the conduct as approved-but-unconstitutional rather than rogue. It says Smith's team "concluded that its subpoenas might be unconstitutional" yet "forged ahead," and that Smith proceeded "with Attorney General Garland's blessing" after privately telling Garland that members "likely have a valid Speech or Debate privilege." The Federalist's own headline on the released documents reads "Docs Show Biden Admin Okayed GOP Phone Record Subpoenas." An allegation of constitutional overreach carried out through approved channels is a different claim from an unauthorized act.

Policy at the time imposed no congressional-identity disclosure duty. Smith testified in his House Judiciary deposition (released Dec. 31, 2025) that judges signing the NDOs were not told the records belonged to members: "I don't think we identified that, because I don't think that was Department policy at the time." That is corroborated independently. The DOJ Inspector General's December 2024 report on the Trump-era 2017-18 leak investigations — which secretly obtained records of Reps. Adam Schiff and Eric Swalwell plus 43 congressional staffers — found DOJ "lacked clear policies" governing such records and nondisclosure orders, i.e. no guardrails existed. DOJ then changed the rules: urgent report to the AG/DAG before seeking lawmaker records, and disclosure in NDO applications of whether notice to a member would be delayed. Smith testified the guidance changed only after his tenure. The same IG report "did not find any evidence of retaliatory or political motivation by the career prosecutors who issued the compulsory process," undercutting the implication that this pattern of collection is inherently rogue.

Attribution problem. Arctic Frost opened in April 2022 and Perry's phone was seized Aug. 9, 2022 — both before Smith was appointed special counsel on Nov. 18, 2022. The PIN guidance on Jordan's records predates Smith by roughly seven months. The Burnett episode the linked article centers on is therefore only partly, and in the Perry instance not at all, attributable to "the special counsel's team."

No adjudication of illegality. No court, inspector general, OPR review or bar authority has found the collection unlawful or unauthorized. The D.C. Circuit's In re Sealed Case (Sept. 13, 2023) ruled that Speech-or-Debate immunity protected a portion of Perry's communications with other members and executive officials — a partial defeat for prosecutors on the scope of privilege, not a holding that the warrant or investigation was unauthorized. Sen. Hagerty's February 2026 action was an FCC complaint against Verizon, not a court case. Senate Judiciary oversight and the Sept. 29, 2026 hearing remain ongoing.

What legitimately supports the framing, and why it falls short of the claim. Four documented irregularities are real: (1) the collecting agent, retired DOJ OIG special agent Brian Burnett, received "just phone numbers" and said "not in my entire thirty years of law enforcement" had he worked that way; (2) judges were not told the subscribers were lawmakers — the Administrative Office of the U.S. Courts confirmed on Boasberg's behalf that he "would likely have been unaware," since NDO applications "identify the subject accounts only by a signifier — e.g., a phone number" — which Grassley calls a "lack of candor"; (3) PIN flagged litigation risk and approved anyway; (4) House Judiciary alleges DOJ's own procedures were violated in reviewing texts between 44 members and executive-branch officials. These support a contested charge of constitutional impropriety and inadequate candor. They do not establish that the collection lacked authorization.

One detail the post's source distorts: the Just the News framing of the DOJ IG supervisor's refusal on Perry's phone ("absolutely not. We were not going to do that") reads as a legal objection. Burnett's transcript context, as reported by both RedState and The Founder's Signal, gives the stated reason as jurisdictional — Perry "was not a current or former DOJ employee" and so fell outside the DOJ inspector general's remit. Prosecutors then obtained the warrant through the FBI.

Verdict rationale: the load-bearing word is "unauthorized." Every authorization layer that existed at the time was obtained, up to and including the Attorney General, and the seizure and secrecy orders were signed by Article III judges. The residual truth is that serious, unresolved questions of constitutional propriety and candor to the court remain live — which is why this is mostly false rather than outright false. |

Overall Veracity: 73%

## Authorship Analysis

**Uncertain** (score: 60%)

### Indicators

- Posted 6:31 AM Eastern (10:31 UTC), outside business hours and inside his documented early-morning window
- Sixth consecutive single-outlet link share of the morning — the scroll-and-share pattern he has used on Truth Social for years
- A sibling post in the same batch carries an unpolished affective interjection, 'Fantastic news for America!', in first-person-adjacent voice
- No third-person framing ('President Trump', 'the President') anywhere in the batch
- Against authenticity: headline copied verbatim with correct punctuation and capitalization, no typos, no drift, no self-reference

## Psychological Profile

### Traits

**Big Five:**
- Extraversion: 50%
- Agreeableness: 15%
- Conscientiousness: 40%
- Neuroticism: 55%
- Openness: 20%

Strongest facet: angry hostility (cold, channeled into curation rather than expression)

**Motives:**
- Agency: 70%
- Communion: 15%

Primary drive: revenge

### Narrative

- **Role:** vindicated target of an illegitimate investigation
- **Arc:** redemption
- **Contrasting:** Jack Smith and the prosecutors who ran Arctic Frost

**Identity Claims:**
- The prosecution against me was the actual crime
- What was done to me was done to Congress

### State

**Vulnerable State**

**Trigger:** Maintenance — Exposure (House Judiciary Committee release of six Arctic Frost interview transcripts, September 23, 2026)

Sentiment: -0.40

### Clinical

**Malignant Narcissism:**
- Narcissistic: 30%
- Antisocial: 15%
- Paranoid: 55%
- Sadism: 5%

**Defense Mechanisms:**
- devaluation (immature)
- rationalization (neurotic)
- splitting (immature)

**Cognitive Complexity:**
- Complexity: 35%

**Parasocial Techniques:**
- Third-party laundering: the grievance is asserted by an outlet's headline rather than by him, so the follower encounters it as news rather than as complaint
- Curated media diet — six sequential links from one friendly outlet in a single morning, presented as the day's information set
- Omission of his own name from a post entirely about his prosecution, inviting the reader to supply the injured party

## Fact Checks (3)

_The model's verdicts from 2026-09-26._

> An agent in the Jack Smith investigation said he was kept in the dark that the phone data he subpoenaed belonged to members of Congress.

**TRUE**

The linked article reports testimony from retired Justice Department Inspector General special agent Brian Burnett, in one of six interview transcripts released by the House Judiciary Committee on September 23, 2026. Burnett is quoted: "I would've subpoenaed the number, but I did not know who the phone number belonged to, who the actual subscriber was," and says he learned only after retiring in late 2024 that he had collected congressional phone data. The headline accurately reports what the transcript contains. Whether Burnett's stated ignorance was genuine is a separate question the transcripts do not settle.

Sources: https://justthenews.com/accountability/political-ethics/agent-jack-smith-case-says-he-was-kept-dark-subpoenaed-phone-data

> Jack Smith's investigation obtained phone records belonging to Republican members of Congress.

**TRUE**

The records collection under the Arctic Frost probe is documented. Senate Judiciary material previously showed toll records obtained for Republican senators, and the September 2026 House Judiciary transcripts describe long-distance toll records for Rep. Jim Jordan and former Speaker Kevin McCarthy, text message records touching 44 lawmakers, and phone records for more than a dozen members overall.

Sources: https://justthenews.com/accountability/political-ethics/agent-jack-smith-case-says-he-was-kept-dark-subpoenaed-phone-data

> Implied: the collection of congressional phone records was an unauthorized or rogue act by the special counsel's team.

**MOSTLY FALSE**

Deep research contradicts the "unauthorized or rogue" implication at nearly every layer, including in documents released by the claim's own proponents. What the record establishes:

Legal instrument. The records were obtained by grand jury subpoena for toll metadata (numbers dialed, time, duration), not by wiretap or warrantless surveillance. Jack Smith's counsel Lanny Breuer and Peter Koski told Sen. Grassley the collection was "entirely lawful, proper and consistent with established Department of Justice policy," noting "toll records merely contain telephonic routing information... and do not include the content of calls." The Senate toll collection at issue covered four days, Jan. 4-7, 2021. MSNBC's legal analysis and a former Capitol-riot prosecutor both describe toll-record subpoenas as "a routine and lawful investigative step."

Judicial authorization. Nondisclosure orders accompanying the subpoenas were signed by federal judges, including Chief Judge Beryl Howell, Chief Judge James Boasberg and Magistrate Judge James Mazzone. Rep. Scott Perry's phone was seized under a warrant approved by Federal Magistrate Judge Susan E. Schwab (M.D. Pa.) on Aug. 9, 2022, and a second warrant to search its contents was approved by the D.C. district court on a probable-cause finding.

Internal DOJ authorization. Justice Manual 9-85.110 requires Public Integrity Section (PIN) consultation before investigative steps touching a member of Congress. PIN approved. Documents released Sept. 2026 show PIN Deputy Chief Jennifer Clarke responded to a guidance request on subpoenaing Rep. Jim Jordan's records on April 26, 2022, acknowledged Speech-or-Debate "litigation risk," and recommended approval on the reasoning that members were not targets (Trump was). PIN directed prosecutors to notify the Deputy Attorney General's office by "urgent report." A Jan. 13, 2023 briefing document shows Smith informed AG Merrick Garland of plans to issue congressional toll-record subpoenas. Smith personally approved the subpoenas. The case opening itself was approved by Garland, then-DAG Lisa Monaco and then-FBI Director Christopher Wray.

The hostile source agrees. The House Judiciary Committee's Sept. 2026 report — the most adversarial authoritative document — frames the conduct as approved-but-unconstitutional rather than rogue. It says Smith's team "concluded that its subpoenas might be unconstitutional" yet "forged ahead," and that Smith proceeded "with Attorney General Garland's blessing" after privately telling Garland that members "likely have a valid Speech or Debate privilege." The Federalist's own headline on the released documents reads "Docs Show Biden Admin Okayed GOP Phone Record Subpoenas." An allegation of constitutional overreach carried out through approved channels is a different claim from an unauthorized act.

Policy at the time imposed no congressional-identity disclosure duty. Smith testified in his House Judiciary deposition (released Dec. 31, 2025) that judges signing the NDOs were not told the records belonged to members: "I don't think we identified that, because I don't think that was Department policy at the time." That is corroborated independently. The DOJ Inspector General's December 2024 report on the Trump-era 2017-18 leak investigations — which secretly obtained records of Reps. Adam Schiff and Eric Swalwell plus 43 congressional staffers — found DOJ "lacked clear policies" governing such records and nondisclosure orders, i.e. no guardrails existed. DOJ then changed the rules: urgent report to the AG/DAG before seeking lawmaker records, and disclosure in NDO applications of whether notice to a member would be delayed. Smith testified the guidance changed only after his tenure. The same IG report "did not find any evidence of retaliatory or political motivation by the career prosecutors who issued the compulsory process," undercutting the implication that this pattern of collection is inherently rogue.

Attribution problem. Arctic Frost opened in April 2022 and Perry's phone was seized Aug. 9, 2022 — both before Smith was appointed special counsel on Nov. 18, 2022. The PIN guidance on Jordan's records predates Smith by roughly seven months. The Burnett episode the linked article centers on is therefore only partly, and in the Perry instance not at all, attributable to "the special counsel's team."

No adjudication of illegality. No court, inspector general, OPR review or bar authority has found the collection unlawful or unauthorized. The D.C. Circuit's In re Sealed Case (Sept. 13, 2023) ruled that Speech-or-Debate immunity protected a portion of Perry's communications with other members and executive officials — a partial defeat for prosecutors on the scope of privilege, not a holding that the warrant or investigation was unauthorized. Sen. Hagerty's February 2026 action was an FCC complaint against Verizon, not a court case. Senate Judiciary oversight and the Sept. 29, 2026 hearing remain ongoing.

What legitimately supports the framing, and why it falls short of the claim. Four documented irregularities are real: (1) the collecting agent, retired DOJ OIG special agent Brian Burnett, received "just phone numbers" and said "not in my entire thirty years of law enforcement" had he worked that way; (2) judges were not told the subscribers were lawmakers — the Administrative Office of the U.S. Courts confirmed on Boasberg's behalf that he "would likely have been unaware," since NDO applications "identify the subject accounts only by a signifier — e.g., a phone number" — which Grassley calls a "lack of candor"; (3) PIN flagged litigation risk and approved anyway; (4) House Judiciary alleges DOJ's own procedures were violated in reviewing texts between 44 members and executive-branch officials. These support a contested charge of constitutional impropriety and inadequate candor. They do not establish that the collection lacked authorization.

One detail the post's source distorts: the Just the News framing of the DOJ IG supervisor's refusal on Perry's phone ("absolutely not. We were not going to do that") reads as a legal objection. Burnett's transcript context, as reported by both RedState and The Founder's Signal, gives the stated reason as jurisdictional — Perry "was not a current or former DOJ employee" and so fell outside the DOJ inspector general's remit. Prosecutors then obtained the warrant through the FBI.

Verdict rationale: the load-bearing word is "unauthorized." Every authorization layer that existed at the time was obtained, up to and including the Attorney General, and the seizure and secrecy orders were signed by Article III judges. The residual truth is that serious, unresolved questions of constitutional propriety and candor to the court remain live — which is why this is mostly false rather than outright false.

Sources: https://justthenews.com/accountability/political-ethics/agent-jack-smith-case-says-he-was-kept-dark-subpoenaed-phone-data; https://www.cbsnews.com/news/jack-smith-republican-lawmakers-phone-data-chuck-grassley/; https://www.foxnews.com/politics/jack-smith-defends-subpoenaing-republican-senators-phone-records-entirely-proper; https://thefederalist.com/2026/09/23/breaking-new-docs-indicate-biden-admin-okayed-subpoenas-of-republicans-phone-records/; https://judiciary.house.gov/media/press-releases/how-jack-smith-and-biden-harris-department-justice-disregarded-separation; https://www.foxnews.com/politics/federal-court-gives-explanation-boasbergs-gag-orders-arctic-frost-subpoenas; https://www.washingtonexaminer.com/news/justice/4379219/jack-smith-withheld-names-gop-lawmakers-greenlit-phone-records-access/; https://hotair.com/headlines/2026/01/03/jack-smith-admits-judges-not-told-of-gop-phone-seizures-n3810420; https://rollcall.com/2024/12/10/doj-watchdog-review-sparks-change-to-policy-on-lawmaker-records/; https://www.nbcnews.com/politics/justice-department/trumps-doj-secretly-obtained-phone-text-message-logs-43-congressional-rcna183610; https://www.cnn.com/2024/12/10/politics/justice-department-spying-congress-patel-trump-ig-report/index.html; https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Arctic_Frost_investigation; https://law.justia.com/cases/federal/appellate-courts/cadc/23-3001/23-3001-2023-09-13.html; https://us.cnn.com/2023/09/13/politics/scott-perry-congress-phone-ruling/; https://levin-center.org/congressional-lawmakers/congressional-oversight-resources/oversight-case-law/scott-perry-cellphone-case/; https://www.justice.gov/jm/jm-9-85000-protection-government-integrity; https://redstate.com/ben-smith/2026/09/23/dojs-inspector-general-wouldnt-seize-scott-perrys-phone-prosecutors-got-it-anyway-n2207263; https://thefounderssignal.substack.com/p/what-jack-smiths-investigators-actually; https://www.ms.now/deadline-white-house/deadline-legal-blog/phone-records-jack-smith-2020-trump-kash-patel-fbi-firings; https://www.dailysignal.com/2026/09/23/jack-smith-team-knew-spying-on-congress-might-be-unconstitutional-but-forged-ahead-house-report/; https://www.cnn.com/2022/08/09/politics/scott-perry-fbi-seize-cellphone/index.html; https://www.npr.org/2026/01/22/nx-s1-5683973/jack-smith-house-trump-investigations; https://www.cnn.com/2025/12/31/politics/jack-smith-house-judiciary-committee-deposition-released

Overall Veracity: 73%

## Tags

- grievance-archival (80%)
- link-amplification (90%)
- prosecutorial-persecution-frame (85%)
- arctic-frost (90%)
- paranoid-features-evidenced (55%)
- media-diet-narrowing (70%)
- flat-affect (60%)

## That day

_From trump.fm's machine-generated digest of the day, not his words._

**He answered a Republican congresswoman's criticism without writing a word, republishing strangers' attacks from accounts with as few as seven views.**

He posted 82 times, and most of it was not his own writing: wordless video reels of other people praising him, pasted links from a single friendly news site, and screenshots of strangers. The morning ran on one grievance, that his coverage is almost entirely negative despite his election win, and it hardened over five hours from an argument into a flat demand that the offending outlets be barred from the White House. At midday he denied a report that a Florida candidate he had endorsed was dropping him from campaign materials, named nine news organizations as "sick people," and said something had to be done about it. The afternoon was ordinary by his standards: the Tennessee-Texas game, a rollback of fuel economy rules, a promise of $5,000 to every adult if Republicans win. Then he spent the last half hour republishing anonymous attacks on a Republican congresswoman who had criticized him, several from accounts almost nobody reads, without adding a word of his own.

Full digest for 2026-09-26: https://trump.fm/date/2026-09-26/analysis

## Citation

- APA: Trump, D. J. (2026, September 26). Agent in Jack Smith case says he was kept in dark... [Social media post]. Truth Social. trump.fm. https://trump.fm/post/ts_117336880365536098
- MLA: Trump, Donald J. "Agent in Jack Smith case says he was kept in dark that..." Truth Social, 26 Sep. 2026. trump.fm, https://trump.fm/post/ts_117336880365536098. Accessed 9 Oct. 2026.
- Chicago: Donald J. Trump, "Agent in Jack Smith case says he was kept in dark that...," Truth Social, September 26, 2026, archived at trump.fm, https://trump.fm/post/ts_117336880365536098.

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